재당 고구려 유민 묘지명의 출자 표기와 그 유형

The Genealogy in the Koguryŏ Diaspora’s Epitaph

Article information

Int J Korean Hist. 2022;27(2):31-72
Publication date (electronic) : 2022 August 30
doi : https://doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2022.27.2.31
*Visiting Researcher, Gakushuin University
우에다 키헤이나리치카*
*가쿠슈인대학 동양문화연구소 객원연구원
*

This research was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 19K13371.

Received 2021 December 4; Revised 2022 June 2; Accepted 2022 June 3.

Abstract

본 논문은 고구려 유민의 묘지명에 보이는 출자 표기를 분석함을 통하여 그 조상 표기를 유형화하면서 시기에 따른 변화를 살핀다. 고구려 유민들은 이른바 신라의 삼국통일전쟁 과정에 있어 생겼다. 특히 본고는 고구려 멸망 이후 당으로 이주한 유민에 주목한다. 첫째로, 고구려 유민 묘지명에 관한 기왕의 연구를 정리하여 어떤 문제가 있는지 지적한다. 둘째로, 고구려 유민의 정의를 다시 확인하여 현재 발견된 묘지명 중 26점을 고구려 유민의 것으로 밝힌다. 세째로, 고구려 유민의 묘지명에 보이는 출자 표기를 유형화하여 시기에 따라 그 표기가 변화한 것을 확인한다. 마지막으로 출자 표기가 변화한 원인을 살핀다.

Trans Abstract

This study investigates the genealogies in Koguryŏ epitaphs, patterns them, and analyzes their changes over time. The Koguryŏ diaspora occurred during the Unification War under Silla. This study focuses on the Koguryŏ diaspora among the Tang who migrated to China. First, this study summarizes the research on genealogies of the Koguryŏ diaspora's epitaphs and indicates their problems. Second, it confirms the definition of the Koguryŏ diaspora and reviews the number of epitaphs. Third, it categorizes genealogies and analyzes their changes. Finally, this study clarifies the causes of the changes in the genealogies.

Introduction

In the 7th century, significant changes occurred in East Asia. In the Korean Peninsula, a war intensified between the Three Kingdoms, Koguryŏ, Paekche, and Silla. Meanwhile, the Tang Dynasty in China, founded in 618, expanded its territory in the 630s, and Silla and Tang joined to attack Koguryŏ and Paekche. After several years of warfare, their combined forces destroyed Paekche in 660 and Koguryŏ in 668. Subsequently, the Koguryŏ rebellion led to a conflict between the Silla and the Tang Dynasty, resulting in a military clash, the Silla-Tang War (670–676). As a result, the Tang Dynasty lost its power over the Korean Peninsula, and Silla became Unified Silla, ruling over the peninsula.1

The Koguryŏ diaspora appeared during the Unification War by Silla. Generally, the people of a defeated country are called “遺民 Yumin/Yimin” in Korean and Chinese, and previous studies have referred to them as “Paekche and Koguryŏ Yumin.”2, “Paekche and Koguryŏ Yumin” are considered to be a type of “diaspora,” which is used in sociology and anthropology to refer to displaced people who have left their homelands, such as immigrants, refugees, and overseas communities.3, After the fall of their dynasties, the people of Paekche and Koguryŏ lost their homelands. Some were forced to migrate to the Tang, some escaped to Japan, some remained in the Korean Peninsula and belonged to Silla, and others left for Central Asia, 突厥 Göktürks. These people have been called the “Paekche and Koguryŏ diaspora” by some historians.4

On the other hand, there is a view that these Paekche and Koguryŏ people were regarded as migrants or refugees by Bai Genxing and Im Tongmin.5 However, we can understand the situation in East Asia in the 7th century more deeply if we consider them as diaspora rather than with terms such as migrant or refugee. The term migrant does not include those who remained in Korea, the term refugee has the same problem, and those who voluntarily belonged to the Tang Dynasty (e.g., Chŏn Namsaeng) are not included. By understanding the people of Koguryŏ as a diaspora, we can grasp the population movement phenomenon that occurred during Silla’s unification between 660 and 676.

When looking to research focused on the Paekche-Koguryŏ diaspora, studies have shown that it played an essential role in Silla-Tang relations between the latter half of the 7th century and the first half of the 8th century.6, This study focuses on the Koguryŏ diaspora within Tang dynasty and those who migrated to mainland China. According to Kim Hyōnsuk, research regarding the Koguryŏ diaspora can be categorized into five trends:7

  1. Examination of the Tang Dynasty’s rule over the territories of Koguryŏ

  2. Tracing the Koguryŏ diaspora and their movements

  3. Research on the “So Koguryŏ 小高句麗” in the Liaodong Peninsula

  4. Investigation into the activities of the Koguryŏ diaspora during the Silla-Tang War and Silla’s control over the Koguryŏ diaspora.

  5. Personal Diaspora histories

The study of the Koguryŏ diaspora in the Tang Dynasty belongs to the second research field. The pioneering work of No T’aedon, published in the 1980s, was a remarkable addition to this body of research.8 Using historical materials, No comprehensively analyzed the Koguryŏ diaspora throughout East Asia, and this research was widely accepted in Korean academic circles. However, since then, there has been little progress in research due to the lack of historical materials.

However, the discovery of several Koguryŏ epitaphs in China since 2010 have attracted attention as new historical materials. These new materials have led to an increase in published research concerning Koguryŏ people under Tang rule.9

Arguments over genealogies

Using epitaphs, the genealogies of the Koguryŏ people have received the most research attention. Most epitaphs contain information on the deceased’s life, career, achievements, and genealogy. Generally, genealogies were written to praise the family origin and ancestors’ achievements. However, they attracted attention for a few different reasons. The first being that genealogy is a criterion for determining a person as Koguryŏ diaspora with some Koguryŏ epitaphs stating that the deceased were from Koguryŏ. In this case, there would be no objection to identifying the deceased as Koguryŏ diaspora. Contrarily, some epitaphs vaguely mention Koguryŏ origins, the Koguryŏ state, or if their father or grandfather were from Koguryŏ, but state that their ancestors were Han Chinese 漢人. It is arguable whether such epitaphs can be regarded as belonging to Koguryŏ people. For instance, the epitaph of Tu Sŏnbu 豆善富 (A) states the Tu clan’s family history:

  • A-1 其先扶風平陵人也 十八世祖統 漢雁門太守.

  • A-2 避族文武之難 亡于朔野 子孫世居焉 至後魏南遷 賜紇豆陵氏.

  • A-3 六世祖步蕃 西魏將鎭河曲 爲北齊神武所破 遂出奔遼海 後裔因家焉 爲豆氏.10

According to the epitaph, the ancestors of Tu Sŏnbu were originally Han Chinese (A-1). They later followed Northern Wei Dynasty 西魏, Xianbei Kingdom 鮮卑 (A-2), and then were exiled to Koguryŏ (A-3). Based on this historical record, Ch’oe Chinyŏl claims that Tu Sŏnbu’s family came from nomadic tribes in the Hexi 河西 region and not from Koguryŏ. He did not recognize Tu Sŏnbu as a member of the Koguryŏ diaspora based on his lineage.11, Contrarily, An Chŏngjun argues that the genealogy in Tu Sŏnbu’s epitaphs was a phenomenon where a family originally from Xianbei or Tuoba 拓跋 pretended to be Han Chinese. He also argued that a family that had served in Koguryŏ should be regarded as Koguryŏ diaspora; therefore, Tu Sŏnbu should be considered a member of the Koguryŏ diaspora for his service.12

Thus, the genealogies in the epitaphs of Koguryŏ diaspora served as the basis for determining whether a person is Koguryŏ diaspora or not. However, different scholars have used varied criteria, and the number of Koguryŏ diaspora epitaphs has been inconsistent. Currently, 28 items are considered possible epitaphs of Koguryŏ diaspora (Table 1). To calculate the correct number, the definition of Koguryŏ diaspora must be clear and the number of epitaphs must be confirmed.

The list of the Koguryŏ people’s epitaphs

The second reason such epitaphs received scholarly attention is because the epitaphs showed that Parhae had inherited Koguryŏ. Some of the epitaphs of Koguryŏ diaspora after the 8th century describe their origin as “Parhae.”

  • B-1 公諱震 字某 渤海人.

  • B-2 祖藏 開府儀同三司工部尚書朝鮮郡王柳城郡開國公.13

According to the epitaph of Ko Chin 高震 (B), his grandfather was Ko Chang 高藏 (B-2), the last king of Koguryŏ, King Pojang 宝藏王. The epitaph of Ko Chin, a descendant of a royal Koguryŏ family, states that his origin was from “Parhae/Bohai 渤海” (B-1).

Two controversial opinions have arisen over the description of “Parhae/Bohai” on the epitaph. One regards “Parhae” as the Parhae Dynasty, founded in 698.14 According to No T’aedon, the Parhae Dynasty claimed to have succeeded Koguryŏ. Therefore, it was understood that Ko Chin mentioned his origin as “Parhae” after Parhae was founded. This opinion is widely accepted in Korean academic circles.

The other opinion is that the “Parhae/Bohai” origin refers to the Bohai Commandery 渤海郡 in mainland China and not to the Parhae Dynasty.15 According to Ma Yihong, any ethnic group different from the Han Chinese, but belonging to the Chinese Dynasty, falsely claimed that their ancestors were Han Chinese. The Bohai Gao clan 渤海高氏, whose origin is “Bohai,” was a famous Han Chinese family. As was the custom, the “Bohai” in Ko Jang’s epitaph, could have belonged to the prestigious Bohai Gao clan and had no relation to the Parhae Dynasty. Chinese academic circles support this opinion.

Recently, based on new data, Kwŏn Ǔnju argued that the “Parhae” in Ko Chin’s epitaph refers to the Parhae Dynasty.16 Kwŏn Ǔnju analyzed the epitaphs of a father and son, Ko Hŭmdŏk and Ko Wŏnmang. The father, Ko Hŭmdŏk’s, in his epitaph states his origin as “Parhae,” while Ko Wŏnmang states his origin as “Yin 殷.” This disparity appears because in 733, Ko Hŭmdŏk’s year of death, relations between the Tang and Parhae Dynasty were good; however, by Ko Wŏnmang’s death in 740, relations between the two dynasties worsened and war broke out. Therefore, the family could not mention “Parhae,” a hostile country, as their origin. In other words, when considering the circumstances related to the origin change from “Parhae” to “Yin,” it can be said that “Parhae” should be recognized as referring to the Parhae Dynasty.

This argument between the recognition of the Bohai commandery and the Parhae Dynasty has not been settled because the epitaphs of Koguryŏ diaspora are limited and there are not enough case studies. In this study, a comprehensive comparative analysis of all the genealogies among discovered Koguryŏ diaspora epitaphs will help to bring this debate to a clear conclusion.

The third factor that draws attention to the epitaphs is the fact that assimilation of the Koguryŏ diaspora into the Tang Dynasty is indicated. The epitaphs of the first generation of Koguryŏ who migrated to the Tang Dynasty state that they were from Koguryŏ. In contrast, the epitaphs of the second and third generations of Koguryŏ diaspora, after the 8th century, indicate that they originated from mainland China. The epitaphs of the Chŏn clan 泉氏 serve as a typical example of this.

  • C 公姓泉 諱男生 字元德 遼東郡平壤城人也.17

  • D 君諱獻誠 字獻誠 其先高句驪國人也.18

  • E 君諱男產 遼東朝鮮人也.19

  • F 諱毖 字孟堅 京兆萬年人也.20

Chŏn Namsaeng (C) and Chŏn Namsan (E) were brothers. Chŏn Hŏnsŏng (D) was Chŏn Namsaeng’s son, and Chŏn Pi (F) was his great-grandson who was born in Tang territory. Chŏn Hŏnsŏng’s epitaph says his origin was from “Koguryŏ” (D). The epitaphs of Chŏn Namsaeng and Chŏn Namsan state their origin was “Liaodong 遼東” (C, E), which also indicates Koguryŏ.21 Thus, the first generation’s epitaphs clearly show that they were from Koguryŏ. However, the epitaph of Chŏn Pi, of the third generation, states that he was from Wannianprefecture in Chang’an 京兆萬年 of the Tang Dynasty (F). No text indicates Koguryŏ in his epitaph.

No T’aedon, Kim Hyŏnsuk, and Yi Mungi have suggested that this indicates the third-generation assimilation of Chŏn clans into the Tang Dynasty.22, Recently, however, Yi Sŏngje argued against this conclusio n.23 According to Yi Sŏngje, the genealogies in epitaphs are sometimes subject to arbitrary changes unrelated to actual assimilation progress.

Chinese history scholars have remarked on the arbitrary nature of the genealogy in the Koguryŏ epitaphs.24, Examinations of the Paekche diaspora epitaphs indicate that some epitaphs were written with consideration of the political situation within the Tang Dynasty.25 Therefore, it is necessary to be cautious about using an origin change in these epitaphs as evidence of assimilation without scrutinizing these materials.

To solve this problem, this study conducts two investigations. The first is to examine epitaphs of the Koguryŏ diaspora besides those of the Chŏn clan and giving special focus to the epitaphs having the family name Ko. The second is to find concrete evidence of assimilation outside of genealogies.26

Definitions of the Koguryŏ Diaspora and the number of their epitaphs

The Koguryŏ diaspora is considered to have occurred during the Silla unification process. If the Koguryŏ people belonging to the Tang Dynasty during Koguryŏ’s collapse from the 640s to 668 match one of the following three criteria, they are considered Koguryŏ diaspora under the Tang Dynasty.

  1. The description of the deceased or its family origin in an epitaph is written “Koguryŏ” or words symbolizing it.

  2. The deceased or his/her ancestors were born in Koguryŏ or received a position of authority in Koguryŏ.

  3. Descendants of those who match the criteria of 1 or 2.

Based on these three criteria, epitaphs 1 to 26 can be considered as belonging to the Koguryŏ diaspora. Epitaphs 15, 17, 18, 20, and 22, which require particular explanation, are discussed in detail below.

The following two epitaphs, Ko Yŏngsuk 高英淑 (G) and Sasŏn Ŭiil 似先義逸 (H), are excluded from the Koguryŏ diaspora.

  • G-1 夫人諱 字英淑 昌黎孤竹人也…

  • G-2 曾祖諱會 魏金紫光禄太夫 本蕃大首領 金章紫綬 鐵騎朱旗 … 祖諱 農 隋雲麾將軍 右武候中郎將 本蕃大首領 … 父諱路 唐銀靑光祿 大夫 行師州刺史諸軍事 上柱國 安陵縣開國公 食邑五千戶.27

  • H 昔周孝王□□□有酷肖其先者 命爲似先氏 其後或居遼東 或遷中部.28

Ko Yŏngsuk’s epitaph lists her origin as “Changli Guzhu 昌黎孤竹” (G-1), a place in Liaoxi 遼西, not in Koguryŏ. Furthermore, her father, Ko Ro 高路, was a “military officer of Shizhou Province 行師州刺史諸軍事,” a province where Qidan 契丹 people lived, suggesting that her origin was from Qidan.29, However, since her family name was Ko, her family could be from Koguryŏ.30 Regardless, since her great-grandfather served in the Northern Wei Dynasty (G-2), her family should have belonged to the Chinese Dynasty before the 7th century. Therefore, she does not match the criteria of Koguryŏ diaspora.

The word “Liaodong” can be found in the epitaph of Sasŏn Ŭiil. In addition, another record states that the family name “Sasŏn” came from Koguryŏ.31, Therefore, his family may be of Koguryŏ origins.32, However, it is unclear when his family moved to the Tang Dynasty.33 Furthermore, his epitaph was made in 850, much later than other epitaphs of Koguryŏ diaspora. For these reasons, although his roots could have been in Koguryŏ, it is difficult to determine whether he was a member of the Koguryŏ diaspora.

The controversy concerning epitaphs 18 Tu Sŏnbu and 20 Yu Wŏnjŏng can be explained through the definition of Koguryŏ diaspora indicated above. First, Tu Sŏnbu should be regarded as a Koguryŏ diaspora. His epitaph mentions that his father, Tu Pujol 豆夫卒, immigrated to the Tang Dynasty after its expedition to Koguryŏ,34, which indicates that Tu Sŏnbu’s family almost certainly served in Koguryŏ. Even if the family was from Xianbei, they must have been of the Xianbei-Koguryŏ people.35, In addition, Yu Wŏnjŏng, whose ancestor may have been Liu Cang 劉蒼, the king of Dongpingxian 東平憲王, a son of Emperor Guangwu 光武帝 of the Later Han Dynasty, should also be regarded as a member of Koguryŏ diaspora.36, According to his epitaph, the eighth ancestor, Yu Hŏn 劉軒, immigrated to Koguryŏ, and his grandfather, Yu Ru 劉婁, served in Koguryŏ as a Yoksal 褥薩.37, The fact that Koguryŏ was an ethnically diverse society suggests that people of Han and Xianbei should also be considered as Koguryŏ diaspora. 38

  • I-1 公曰仁德 族李氏 其先蓋樂浪望族也.

  • I-2 自堯臣類馬 周史猶龍 眞裔散於殊方 保姓傳於弈代.

  • I-3 考甲子 皇贈定州別駕. 天上降成綸之恩 地下光題輿之寵 公卽別駕 府君之元子也.39

The ancestry of Yi Indŏk’s 李仁德epitaph (I) is unclear. His father, Yi Kapja, received the position of Jeongzhou Biejia 定州別駕 from the Tang Dynasty, but the word “gift 贈” before the title means he received it after his death (I-3). It is uncertain whether Yi Kapja served the Tang Dynasty or Koguryŏ during his lifetime. Yi Indŏk was born in 673, after the collapse of Koguryŏ, and it is generally accepted that he did not serve under Koguryŏ. His epitaph says, “his ancestor was a famous, powerful family in Nangnang 其先蓋樂浪望族” (I-1). The word “Nangnang” was an expression that originated from Nangnanggun 樂浪郡, a Commandery once established in the northwestern part of the Korean Peninsula and referred to as the Korean Peninsula within the Tang documents. Therefore, Bai Geunxing and Yi Tonghun suggested that Yi In-dŏk was a member of the Koguryŏ diaspora.40

In contrast, Kim Sujin argues that these opinions do not hold weight as evidence that Yi Indŏk was a product of the Koguryŏ diaspora.41 According to Kim Sujin, his title “Jincheng xian/jun 金城縣/郡” and his residence at “Liquan-li 醴泉里” imply that Yi Indŏk was from the western region of China. Jincheng is currently known as Lanzhou 蘭州, in the western region of mainland China. Generally, a place’s name given as a title is the family’s home or origin. Moreover, many people from the western region, such as those from the Bashihu Temple 波斯胡寺 and the Sogdian An Jinzang 安金藏 residents, lived in Liquan-li.

Kim Sujin makes a valid rebuttal; however, a detailed examination of Yi Indŏk’s epitaph reveals a different conclusion. First, the mention of a person as having lived in Liquan-li does not guarantee that they were from the western region. There were indeed many Sogdian settlements in Liquan-li, among other settlements. For example, there was the Taipinggonzhu 太平公主 residence of Empress Wu’s daughter, and the Zong Chuke 宗楚客 residence of a minister between the end of the 7th century and the beginning of the 8th century.42

Second, having the Jincheng title did not mean that one was from Lanzhou. As mentioned above, a title as a place’s name was generally related to the hometown or the origin of one’s family. However, this is not absolute proof. For example, Li Xin李信’s home town is “Longxi Chengji 隴西成紀,” but his title was “Qingshan-xian Kaiguonan 青山縣開國男”;43, Li Wulyu李無慮’s home town is “Longxi,” but his title was “Pingji-xian Kaiguonan 平棘縣開國男;”44, and Li Liang 李良 moved his family home from “Longxi” to “汝 Ru,” but his title was “the king of Xunzheng-jun 順正郡王.”45 The titles of these three people were not related to where the family originated. Therefore, “金城郡開國男” in Yi Indŏk’s epitaph does not mean that he was from Lanzhou or that his family’s hometown was there.

Third, the interpretation that “the descendants were spread out in far places and passed down the family name from generation to generation 眞裔散於殊方 保姓傳於弈代” (I-2) proves Yi Indŏk was a person of the Koguryŏ diaspora. The word “shufang 殊方” can be interpreted as a foreign place or outside Zhonghua 中華. As Kim Sujin pointed out, “shufang” is indeed used to describe a region far from Zhonghua, such as Lanzhou.46, However, it is also commonly used to refer to a foreign country.47 Examining the meaning of “Nangnang” shows it is more natural to interpret “shufang” as a foreign country.

Fourth, the interpretation of “Nangnang” will be examined. Kim Sujin argues that no other Koguryŏ-related place names except for “Nangnang” raised suspicion as to whether he was a person of the Koguryŏ diaspora.48, Nevertheless, the word “Nangnang” stands as evidence that there is no question he was. In the Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 dynasties, the word “Nangnang” was often used to refer to Koguryŏ. The emperor of China’s southern dynasty gave the Koguryŏ king the title of “ Nangnang-gong 樂浪公.”49, When Emperor Yang 煬帝 organized an expeditionary force to Koguryŏ, one of its routes was called “Nangnang-do 樂浪道.”50, In addition, the word “Nangnang” also referred to the Korean Peninsula, including Silla and Paekche. The title of the King of Silla was “Nangnanggun-gong 樂浪郡公” or “King of Nangnang-gun, 樂浪郡王;”51, the title of “Nangnanggun-gong” was held by Puyŏ Munsŏn 扶餘文宣 of the Paekche diaspora;52, and the title of “Mrs. Nangnang-gun 樂浪郡公夫人” was held by lady Hŭkchi, the wife of Mulbu Sun.53 Both husband and wife were part of the Paekche diaspora. Therefore, the term “Nangnang mangjok 樂浪望族” should indicate that Yi Indŏk’s ancestors were from Koguryŏ or the Korean Peninsula.

The epitaph of Yi Ŭnji 李隱之 (K) serves as proof for interpreting the word “Nangnang” as Koguryŏ. The epitaph of Yi Ŭnji’s son, Yi Hoe 李懷 (J), was discovered before the epitaph of Yi Ŭnji was found, and there was a difference in opinion as to whether Yi Hoe was of the Koguryŏ diaspora.

  • J-1 其先趙郡賛皇人也.

  • J-2 昔晉氏乘乾 遼川麈起 帝欲親伐 實要□□. 公十二葉祖敏爲河内太守 預其選也. 克滅之後 遂留柘鎭 俗賴其利 因爲遼東人.

  • J-3 至孫胤 舉孝廉 仕至河南尹 加特進 遷尚書令 晉之崇也. …

  • J-4 曾祖敬 隋襄平郡從事. 太宗東幸海關 訪晉尚書令李公之後 僉曰末孫 孜在. 帝許大用 盡室公行 爰至長安 未貴而沒.54

  • K-1 公諱隱之 字大取 其先遼東人也. 晉尚書令胤卽其枝類.

  • K-2 祖敬父直 或孝德動天 馳名於樂浪 或忠勤濟物 譽表於夫餘.

  • K-3 公厭海壖之風 慕洛汭之化 重譯納貢 隨牒受官.55

Yi Hoe’s epitaph indicates that the 12th generation ancestors migrated to Liaodong (J-2), and Yi Hoe’s father or grandfather immigrated to the Tang Dynasty during the Tang Taizong唐太宗’s expedition to Koguryŏ (J-4). On the basis of these two records, Bai Gunxing suggested that Yi Hoe may have been of the Koguryŏ diaspora.56, Contrarily, Lee Donghun questioned his Koguryŏ origins because the description on his epitaph was “Zhaojun Zanhuang 趙郡賛皇” (J-1), which had no relation to Koguryŏ. Moreover, there were no specific achievements that took place in Koguryŏ.57 The reason for this doubt is similar to that of Yi Indŏk. However, when the epitaph of his father, Yi Ŭnji, was discovered, it became clear that the family of Yi Ŭnji and Yi Hoe was part of Koguryŏ diaspora. The epitaph of Yi Ŭnji states that his ancestors were from Liaodong (K-1), his grandfather and father were active in “Nangnang” and “Puyŏ 夫餘” (K-2), and he came to the Tang Dynasty from outer China (K-3). In other words, the “Liaodong” in Yi Hoe’s epigraph means Koguryŏ.

In this case, it is better to regard “Nangnang” as referring to Koguryŏ. Even if there are no specific achievements in Koguryŏ in an epitaph, the deceased may be of the Koguryŏ diaspora. Therefore, Yi Indŏk, whose epitaph says his origin was “Nangnang,” is also a person of Koguryŏ diaspora.

Typology of genealogie

As mentioned in section 2, Chŏn Pi’s epitaph (of the third generation) does not use Koguryŏ-related words but says that their hometown was Chang’an. Does the change in genealogy signify the assimilation of Koguryŏ people into the Tang Dynasty?

As mentioned in section 3, there are 26 epitaphs of the Koguryŏ diaspora. Said epitaphs were made over a period of one hundred years, making the range too wide to analyze them all at once. This paper divides them into four periods based on the compilation time, about 30 years apart (Table 2). Based on this classification, Chŏn Namsaeng’s epitaph belongs to the first period, Chŏn Namsan and Chŏn Hŏnsŏng belong to the second period, and the epitaph of Chŏn Pi to the third period. In other words, changes in the genealogy of the Chŏn clan occurred between the second and third periods.

Periodization of the Koguryŏ diaspora’s epitaphs

To consider the meaning of the changes from the second to the third period, it is necessary to analyze the genealogies of 14 epitaphs with the family name Ko by period. Through this examination, it will be possible to categorize their genealogies and identify changes and trends.

There are two epitaphs in the first period: Ko Yomyo高鐃苗’s epitaph (L) and Ko Chesŏk高提昔’s epitaph (M).

  • L-1 君諱字 遼東人也.

  • L-2 族高辰卞 價重珣琪. 背滄海而來王 仰玄風而入仕.58

  • M-1 夫人諱提昔 本國內城人也. …

  • M-2 曾祖伏仁大相 水境城道使 遼東城大首領. 祖支于 唐易州刺史 長岑 縣開國伯 上柱國. 父文恊 宣威將軍 右衛高陵府長上折衝都尉 上柱國.59

Ko Yomyo’s epitaph says his origin was “Liaodong,” indicating him to be from Koguryŏ (L-1). As for the achievements of his ancestors, it only abstractly mentions them as a famous family in “Chinhan 辰韓” and “Pyonhan 弁韓,” meaning the Korean Peninsula (L-2). Ko Chesŏk’s epitaph says her origin was from “Kungnaesŏng 國內城” (M-1), the former capital of Koguryŏ. Furthermore, it refers to her great-grandfather’s official position in Koguryŏ (M-2), indicating that he was of the Koguryŏ diaspora. In these two examples, the deceased’s origin from Koguryŏ is expressed directly and with little rhetoric. These early patterns of genealogies are called “prototypes.”

The following section examines six epitaphs from the second period.

  • N-1 君諱玄 字貴王 遼東三韓人也. 昔唐家馭曆 幷呑天下 四方合應 啓 顙來降 而東夷不賓據靑海而成國.

  • N-2 公志懷雅略 有先見之明. 棄彼遺甿 從男生而仰化 慕斯聖敎 自東徙 而來王. 因而家貫西京 編名赤縣.

  • N-3 曾祖寶 任本州都督. 祖方 任平壤城刺史. 父廉 唐朝贈泉州司馬.60

  • O-1 君諱牟 字仇 安東人也.

  • O-2 族茂辰韓 雄門譽偃. 傳芳穢陌 聲高馬邑.61

  • P-1 □諱德 卞圀東部人也.

  • P-2 昔火政龍興 炎靈虜據. 三韓競霸 四海騰波. 白日降精 朱蒙誕孽. 大 治燕土 正統遼陽. 自天而下 因命爲姓. 公家氏族 卽其後也. …

  • P-3 祖岑東部受建武太王中裏小兄 執垧事. … 遷受遼府都督. 卽奉敎 追受 對盧官 依舊執垧事 任評臺之軄. 父孚受寶蔵王中裏小兄 任南蘇道史 遷陟大兄 任海谷府都督 又遷受太相 任司府大夫 承襲執垧事.62

Ko Hyŏn 高玄’s epitaph (N) says his origin was from “Liaodong Sanhan”, which also refers to Koguryŏ. When the Tang Dynasty was founded, Koguryŏ became hostile toward the Tang dynasty (N-1). However, the deceased had the foresight to join the Tang Dynasty with Chŏn Namsaeng (N-2), and the official positions of his great-grandfather and father were thus recorded (N-3).

Ko Mo 高牟’s epitaph (O) lists his origin as being from “Andong” (O-1). After Andong Tohobu 安東都護府 was established in the former territory of Koguryŏ, this term also referred to Koguryŏ. Although no specific achievements of his ancestors were mentioned, there are expressions that his ancestors were active in the lands of “Chinhan” and “Yemaek 穢陌,” which are terms related to Koguryŏ (O-2).

Ko Ŭldŏk 高乙德’s epitaph (P) says his origin is from “Pyŏnguk Tongbu 卞圀東部” (P-1), which likely refers to “Pyŏnhan.”63 This word refers definitively to Koguryŏ because the following sentence describes the ancestors’ achievements by stating, “The sun’s rays came down, and Chumong 朱蒙 was born,” thus refering to the myth of Koguryŏ’s founder (P-2). It also mentions his grandfather and father’s service to King Konmu 建武王 and King Pojang, respectively (P-3).

In all three cases above, the deceased or their ancestors are indicated to be from Koguryŏ. These can be the “prototypes” seen in the first period. Three cases in the second period can be classified as “prototypes.”

  • Q-1 公諱足酉 字足酉 遼東平壌人也.

  • Q-2 乃効款而住 遂家於洛州永昌縣焉.

  • Q-3 族本殷家 因生代承 □居玄菟. 獨擅雄蕃 今罄大誠 特隆殊寵.

  • R-1 公諱質 字性文 遼東朝鮮人也.

  • R-2 靑丘日域 聳曾構而凌霄 滄海谷王 廓長源而繞地. 白狼餘祉 箕子 之苗裔寔繁 玄鱉殊祥河孫之派流彌遠.

  • R-3 十九代祖密 後漢末以破燕軍存本國有功 封爲王 三讓不受 因賜姓 高氏 食邑三千戶. …

  • R-4 曾祖前 本蕃三品位頭大兄. 祖式 二品莫離支 獨知國政及兵馬事. 父量 三品栅城都督位頭大兄兼大相. 竝材望雄傑 匡翊本藩 聲芬 暢遠 播聞中國.64

  • S-1 公諱慈 字智捷 朝鮮人也.

  • S-2 先祖隨朱蒙王平海東諸夷 建高麗國 已後代爲公侯宰相. 至後漢末 高 麗與燕墓容戰大敗國幾將滅. 廿代祖密當提戈獨入 斬首尤多 因破燕 軍 重存本國. 賜封爲王 三讓不受 因賜姓高 食邑三千戶. …

  • S-3 曾祖式 本蕃任二品莫離支 … 祖量 本蕃任三品栅城都督位頭大兄兼 大相 … 父文 本蕃任三品位頭大兄兼將軍.65

Ko Chogyu 高足酉’s epitaph (Q) says that he originated from “Liaodong Pingyang” (Q-1), and he migrated to the Tang Dynasty (Q-2), indicating he is of the Koguryŏ diaspora. Interestingly, this epitaph says that his ancestors were Yin people, and their descendants migrated to Hyŏndo, which denotes Koguryŏ (Q-3). Based on this epitaph narrative, the deceased is a descendant of the Yin dynasty who migrated to the Korean Peninsula.66

Ko Chil 高質 (R) was a person who served in Koguryŏ and later in the Tang Dynasty, which meant he was a part of the Koguryŏ diaspora. His origin was “Liaodong Chosŏn” (R-1), and his great-grandfather, grandfather, and father all held official positions in Koguryŏ (R-4), further indicating that he was of the Koguryŏ diaspora. What is important here is the narrative about the Koguryŏ founder. The descendants of Qizi have been growing, and the lineage of Hason, Chumong, the Koguryŏ’s founder, has been continued (R-2). It should be noted that the Qizi legend is cited here. Qizi is a sage who existed at the end of the Yin Dynasty in ancient China. According to the Qizi legend, he left China for Korea after the collapse of the Yin Dynasty.67 The R-2 article is presumed to be based on the Qizi legend. “Yin” seen in Q-3 can be regarded as one of the types of the Qizi legend. Such Koguryŏ people refer to their ancestors as descendants of the Yin Dynasty or Qizi. This article calls them the “Yin and Qizi-type.”

The epitaphs of Ko Cha 高慈 (S), the son of Ko Chil, state his origin as “Chosŏn” like his father (S-1). The official positions of his father and his great-grandfather were the same as in his father’s epitaph (S-3). However, unlike his father, there is no mention of “Qizi” in his ancestry, only that his ancestor was a retainer who followed Chumong and became a noble in Koguryŏ (S-2). For this reason, it can be regarded as another of the “prototypes.”

The following section examines four epitaphs in the third period.

  • T-1 諱木盧 渤海蓚人也.

  • T-2 昔太公輔周 肇開王業 天眷錫命 受封東齊 鍾鼎玉食 七百餘載. 後遇 田和纂奪 分居荒裔 君之遠祖 避難海隅.68

  • U-1 府君諱德 字元光 其先渤海人也.

  • U-2 漸離之後 自五馬浮江 雙鵝出地 府君先代 避難遼陽 因爲遼陽□族.

  • U-3 洎隋原鹿走 唐祚龍興 廓四海而爲家 奄八紘而取俊 府君祖宗 戀 恩歸本 屬乎仗内 侍衞紫宸.69

  • V-1 公諱欽德 字應休 渤海人也.

  • V-2 曾祖瑗 建安州都督. 祖懷 襲爵建安州都督. 父千 唐左玉鈴衞中郞. 公卽先君仲子也.70

  • W-1 君諱遠望 字幼敏 先殷人也. …

  • W-2 比干以忠諫而死 故其子去國 因家于遼東焉.

  • W-3 貞耿冠乎曩時 遺烈光乎史籍 卽君始祖也. 其地這烏丸 鮮卑 接夫餘 肅慎. 東征西討 其邑里或遷于河北勃海高氏 則其宗盟 或留於漠南.

  • W-4 曾祖懷 唐雲麾將軍 建安州都督. 祖千 唐左玉鈐衞中郎 襲爵建安州 都督. 父欽德 襲建州都督 皇右武衞將軍 幽州副節度知平盧軍事.71

Ko Mokro 高木盧’s epitaph (T) traces his origin to “Bohai” (T-1), the hometown of the famous Han Chinese Bohai Gao clan.72 At first glance, he does not look like a person of the Koguryŏ diaspora. However, a closer look at the distant ancestor’s records shows that he moved to “Haiyu 海隅,” Koguryŏ, during a turbulent period in Chinese history (T-2).

Ko Tŏk 高德’s epitaph (U) says that he originated from “Bohai” (U-1) during the Yongjia Rebellion in the period of the Sixteen Kingdoms. His ancestors then moved to Liaoyang, Koguryŏ (U-2). Later, when the Tang Dynasty was founded, the family relocated to Tang territory (U-3).73

Ko Hŭmdŏk 高欽德’s (V) originated from “Bohai” (V-1), and his ancestors served as the governors of Jian’an and other provinces in Koguryŏ; however, it is not clearly indicated that he was of the Koguryŏ diaspora (V-2). Yet, the narrative in his son Ko Wŏngmang 高遠望’s epitaph (W) indicated that his family was of Koguryŏ diaspora. Thus, the epitaphs in the third period referred to the same hometown as that of the famous Han Chinese clan, the Bohai Gao clan, making it unclear whether they were a part of the Koguryŏ diaspora. This article calls this ancestor narrative the “Bohai-type.”

Ko Wŏngmang was the son of the Ko Hŭmdŏk. His ancestors were said to be “Yin people” (W-1), and his early ancestor Qizi lived in Liaodong, Koguryŏ (W-2). Although there are some discrepancies in the records of Ko Wŏngman’s ancestors and those of Ko Hŭmdŏk, they are quite similar (W-4). The fact that his ancestors were Yin makes it possible to classify Ko Wŏngmang’s epitaph under the “Yin and Qizi-type.” More noteworthy is the unique genealogy of his epitaph. The ancestors that moved to Hebei 河北 were of the Bohai Gao clan, while others, his own clan, remained in Monan 漠南 (W-3). Therefore, Ko Wŏngmang’s epitaph can be said to be of the “Yin and Qizi-type” with elements of the “Bohai-type.”

As introduced in section 2, Kwen EunJu interpreted “Bohai” in the epitaph of Ko Hŭmdŏk as referring to the Parhae Dynasty.74 This interpretation presupposes that the epitaphs of the father Ko Hŭmdŏk were made earlier than the epitaph of son Ko Wŏngmang. However, Ko Wŏngmang’s epitaph was made at least a year earlier than that of his father. Therefore, Kwen EunJu’s interpretation may not be valid. “Bohai” in the epitaphs does not mean the Parhae Dynasty becomes clearer by examining the third-period epitaphs.

In the third period, the “prototype” of Korguryŏ diaspora disappeared. In addition to the Yin and Qizi-type the Bohai type appeared. As can be seen from T-1 and T-2, this epitaph refers to the Bohai Commandery, not the Parhae Dynasty. The “Bohai-type” epitaphs, like the “Yin and Qizi-type,” also describe an ancestor who migrated to Koguryŏ from China. The epitaphs of the Koguryŏ diaspora claimed that their origins were in China. Therefore, as in Ko Wŏngmang’s epitaph, the genealogy of the “Yin and Qizi-type” appears with elements of the Bohai Gao clan.

Finally, two epitaphs in the fourth period will be examined.

  • X-1 公諱震 字某 渤海人.

  • X-2 祖藏 開府儀同三司 工部尙書 朝鮮郡王 柳城郡開國公. 禰諱連 雲 麾將軍 右豹韜大將軍 安東都護. 公迺扶餘貴種 辰韓令族 懷化啓 土 繼代稱王 嗣爲國賓 食邑千室.75

  • Y-1 夫人姓高氏 渤海人也 齊之諸裔也. …

  • Y-2 曾祖 皇朝鮮王 祖諱連 皇封朝鮮郡王 父震 定州别駕.76

Ko Chin 高震’s epitaph (X) says that he originated from “Bohai” (X-1). Moreover, his grandfather was King Pojang, and he was a member of the former royal family of Koguryŏ (X-2). The question is whether this “Bohai” refers to the Parhae Dynasty. With the discovery of Mrs. Ko’s epitaph, it is apparent that “Bohai” does not mean the Parhae Dynasty.

Mrs. Ko 高氏夫人 (Y) is the daughter of Ko Chin. Her epitaph says that she originated from “Bohai” like her father (Y-1). However, the clan is said to be “descended from Qi 齊之諸裔” during the Chunqiu period (Y-2), which indicates that the Bohai Gao clan descended from Qi. Therefore, the word “Bohai” in the epitaph of Mrs. Ko, without doubt, refers to the Bohai Commandery, not to the Parhae Dynasty.77 Therefore, it is difficult to regard “Bohai” in X-1 as the Parhae Dynasty, and it should be categorized as the Bohai Commandery.

The two epitaphs in the fourth period mentioned above are all of the “Bohai-type.” As only limited items can be examined, it is impossible to make a definite determination. However, it is remarkable that both their epitaphs fall under “Bohai-type.” It seems that at that time, the custom of Koguryŏ diaspora with the name Ko and claiming to be of the Bohai Gao clan had already become custom.

The genealogies in the epitaphs with the family name Ko changed from “prototypes” to the “Yin and Qizi-type” or the “Bohai-type”. This phenomenon indicates that their families considered their origin to be from mainland China. In other words, the assimilation of genealogies into Tang progressed through the four periods.

The genealogies of the Ko and Chŏn clans are summarized in Table 3. It can be seen that the genealogy of the Chŏn clan, like the Ko families’ epitaphs, selected a more Chinese ancestry in the later generations. The change in the genealogy is not limited to the Chŏn clan, but also other people of the Koguryŏ diaspora.

Type of genealogy of Ko and Chŏn clans

As seen above, the genealogies in the epitaphs of the Koguryŏ diaspora were increasingly assimilated into Tang. Does this mean that they assimilated into Tang society? If so, the date of marriage becomes a key indicator.78

There are ten records of marriages among the Koguryŏ diaspora, as shown in Table 4. These dates indicate that the first or second generation of Koguryŏ diaspora married people who shared their family name and were found among fellow Koguryŏ diaspora. The two cases of Ko Chesŏk and Mr. Chŏn, and Chŏn Hyŏnŭn 泉玄隠 and Mrs. Ko, definitely were marriages among members of the Koguryŏ diaspora. The other four, Yi Ŭnji, Ko Hŭmdŏk, Yi Hoe, and Wang Kyŏngyo, were all married to women whose family names were Yu, Wang, Ko, Yi, also confirmed as Koguryŏ diaspora, except for Henan Cheng, who was Ko Hŭmdŏk’s later wife. Furthermore, in the above cases, all Koguryŏ diaspora reached adulthood approximately by the 700s.

The list of Koguryo diaspora’s marriage

Further, marriages of the generation born during the 700s show subtle changes in their spouses. There was only one case where Chŏn Pi was married to a person possibly of the Koguryŏ diaspora. It was much later in the 700s when seven cases of marriages were possible within Koguryŏ diaspora. It is difficult to think that these differences are coincidental.

This phenomenon suggests that by the 700s, there was solidarity among the Koguryŏ diaspora and they formed a marriage circle. However, around 720, it is presumed that solidarity among the Koguryŏ diaspora disintegrated and they began to marry Han Chinese. In short, it is assumed that there was a significant change from the 700s to 720s. Moreover, these changes indicate further assimilation into Tang society.

What changes took place at that time? The genealogical typology of each period, the period of activity of each generation, and the changes in marriage cases are summarized in Table 5. As shown in this table, Koguryŏ diaspora had a period of change of around 700. This period was the turning point in the history of the Koguryŏ diaspora when they shifted from the first generation to the second generation. In reality, it is assumed that by the latter half of the 8th century, their epitaphs were not different from those of other Tang people.

Span of the Koguryŏ diaspora’s activities

Conclusions

Previous studies have been uncertain about the number of epitaphs of the Koguryŏ diaspora. Consequently, these studies did not identify some of the epitaphs as those of Koguryŏ diaspora. By summarizing past discussions and definitions of Koguryŏ diaspora within the Tang Dynasty, this article has determined that, at present, 26 of the discovered epitaphs are those of the Koguryo diaspora.

By typifying the genealogies in the Ko family epitaphs, it has been shown that the “Bohai-type” was the final stage of genealogies that referred to Koguryŏ diaspora within the Tang Dynasty. Therefore, the “Bohai” seen in epitaphs of Koguryŏ diaspora did not mean the Parhae Dynasty, but rather indicated the Commandery, which was the hometown of the Bohai Gao clan.

Through the analysis of the Ko family’s epitaphs, it has become clear that their origins changed from the “prototypes” to the “Yin and Qizi-type” and then to the “Bohai-type.” The changes in the Ko family and those in the Chŏn family epitaphs were almost the same. Furthermore, the changes in the marriage cases and the generational interruption around year 700 show a turning point for Koguryŏ diaspora. The changes in the genealogies in the epitaphs indicate a phenomenon of assimilation to the Tang Dynasty.

The examination in this article clarified that there was a turning point in the 700s for Koguryŏ diaspora. Previous studies have been unable to determine when and how the Koguryŏ diaspora changed because of a lack of historical records. The key discovery of this article is that it indicates a specific turning point of the change from Koguryo to Tang society by examining 26 epitaphs. In the future, it will be necessary to investigate not only the upper-class of those who left epitaphs, but also the cases of peasants, lower-class soldiers, and musicians.

Notes

1

Ikeuchi Hiroshi (池内宏), Study on Mansenshi (満鮮史研究), Josei2 (上世2) (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1960), 97–488; Noh Tae-don, Samgukt’ongiljŏnjaengsa [The unification war of the three kingdoms] (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2009); Ueda Kiheinarichika, “The Na-Tang War : An Examination of the Epitaph of Guo Xingjie in Relation to the Chinese Military Expedition to Silla in 671,” The Journal of The Research Department of The Toyo Bunko 96–2 (September 2014); Ueda Kiheinarichika, “Silla’s consciousness to Tang in the 670s: An Examination of Samguk sagi Munmuwang 14 to 16,” The Shiteki (史滴) 36 (December 2014).

2

For example: Noh Tae-don, Samgukt’ongiljŏnjaengsa [The unification war of the three kingdoms] (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2009); Kim Hyun-sook, “The diaspora of Goguryeo people.” The Journal of Korean Ancient History 33 (March 2004); Kim Su-jin. “Study on the refugees of Koguryo in Tang cities (唐京 高句麗 遺民 研究).” Ph.D diss., Seoul National University, 2017.

3

Rogers Brubaker, “The ‘diaspora’ diaspora,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol.28, No.1(2005): Akao Mitsuharu, “From Galut to Diaspora.” in Diaspora kara sekai o yomu: Risan o kakyo suru tame ni (ディアスポラから世界を読む-離散を架橋す るために) (Tokyo: Akashi shoten, 2009), 45–79; Numano Mitsuyoshi, “Introduction to Diaspora,” in Diasporas (ユーラシア世界2 ディアスポラ論) (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 2012), 1–17: Jonathan Grossman, “Toward a definition of diaspora,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 42, no.8 (June 2019): 1263–1282.

4

Jung Ho-sub, “Migration and Diaspora in the History of Goguryeo,” Prehistory and Ancient History 53 (September 2017); Lee Dong-hoon, “The Korean Diaspora in China during the Period of Wei-Jin Kingdoms, Northern and Southern Dynasties: The Research with focus on Gojoseon. Goguryeo & Buyeo-origin Expatriate Group,” The Journal for the Studies of Korean History 72 (August 2018).

5

Bai Genxing, Study on migrants of Gaoli and Baiji (唐代高麗百済移民研究), Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2012: Lim Dongmin, “The Native Origins of the Paekche Refugee Ye (禰) Family and the Background of Their Activities in the Tang Dynasty,” International Journal of Korean History Vol.22, no.2 (August 2017).

6

Ueda Kiheinarichika, “The Diaspora of Baekje into Tang and Ungjin Dodokbu in Jian’an,” Journal of the Academic Association of Koreanology in Japan Chosen Gakuho 236 (July 2015); Ueda Kiheinarichika, “The Baekje and Goguryeo Diaspora into Tang since Empress Wu’s Period to Kaiyuan era,” The KoguryoBalhae Yonku 64 (July 2019).

7

Kim Hyun-Suk, “The Trend of the Koguryo Drifting People in China,” The Journal of Korean Ancient History 23 (September 2001).

8

Noh Taedon, “Study on Koguryŏ Yumin’s history (高句麗 遺民史 研究),” in Collection of Papers for Dr. Han Ugŭn’s retirement age commemoration (韓㳓劤博士 停年紀念史學論叢) (Seoul: Chisik sanŏpsa, 1981), 79–108.

9

An Jeongjun and Choi Sang-ki, “Refugee families from Koguryeo and Baekje, examined through tomb epitaphs from the Tang era,” The Organization of Korean Historians 101 (September 2016); Ueda Kiheinarichika, “Research trends in Korea on the epitaphs of the Koguryŏ and Paekche diaspora.” Korean culture and society 17 (October 2018).

10

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Kaiyuan 開元 534.

11

Choi Jin-Yeoul, Parhae kukho yŏn’gu-tangjoga injŏnghan parhaeŭi koguryŏ kyesŭng mugin’gwa puin [The origin of the name of the country Balhae] (Seoul: Sogang University Press, 2015), 48–49.

12

An Jeong-jun, “The Epitaph of Duseonbu (豆善富) and a Review of His Family,” The Journal of Humanities, KyungHee University 27 (June 2015).

13

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Dali 大曆 075.

14

Noh Taedon, “Study on Koguryŏ Yumin’s history”; Kim Hyun-sook, “The diaspora of Goguryeo people,” The Journal of Korean Ancient History 33 (March 2004).

15

Ma Yihong, “View on the Ownership Awareness of the Kao-kou-li Adherets Submitted to Tang Dynasty According to the Unearthed Tomb Table,” Northern Cultural Relecs (北方文物) 2006–1 (February 2006).

16

Kwen EunJu, “Study of the Epitaphs of Go Heum-deok (高欽德) and Go Won-mang (高遠望), the displaced of Goguryeo (高句麗),” Daegu Sahak 116 (August 2014).

17

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Tiaolu 調露 023.

18

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Dazu 大足 001.

19

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Chan’an 長安 008.

20

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Kaiyuan 開元 378.

21

As kings of Koguryŏ got the title of “king of Liaodong commandery 遼東郡王” from the Tang emperor, “Liaodong” usually meant Koguryŏ in the Tang period. See, Jiu Tanshu 舊唐書, 199上, Liezhuan 149上, Gaoli 高麗.

22

Noh Taedon, “Study on Koguryŏ Yumin’s history”; Kim Hyun-sook, “The diaspora of Goguryeo people”; Lee Moon-Key, “The Change of the Consciousness on their Ancestors of Koguryo Peoples lived in the Tang seen from their Tombstones,” Daegu Sahak 100 (August 2010).

23

Lee Seong-je, “Origin Records of Koguryo and Baekje Migrants’ Epitaphs and the Significance,” The Journal of Korean Ancient History 75 (September 2014).

24

Iwami Kiyohiro, “General view of the epitaphs of the first half of the Tang Era,” The Journal of Tang historical studies 10 (August 2007); Sonoda Shunsuke, “The Xiongnu Liu family’s founder legend in the Northern and Southern dynasties,” Bulletin of graduate studies, Chuo University (中央大学大学院研究年報) 34 (January 2004); Sonoda Shunsuke, “The Tuoba family’s founder legend from the Northern Wei to the Eastern Wei and the Western Wei,” The Shiteki (史滴) 27 (December 2005).

25

Ueda Kiheinarichika, “Records of the Baekje Diaspora into Tang: An Analysis of Epitaphs of Heukji Sangji and His Son Jun,” Cultura antiqua 70–4 (March 2019).

26

I have recently discussed assimilation of Koguryŏ diaspora in the other article. See, Ueda Kiheinarichika, Silla-Tang Relations and the Paekje-Koguryŏ Diaspora in Ancient East Asia (新羅・唐関係と百済・高句麗遺民) (Tokyo: Yamakawa-Shuppansha Ltd, 2022), 173–192.

27

Wang Jingchen, Liaoning Beizhi (辽宁碑志) (Shenyang: Liaoning people’s publishing house, 2002), 103.

28

Xin Zhongguo chutu muzhi: Shanxi (2) (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2003), 261.

29

Moribe Yutaka, “Some recently discovered stone engravings as historical sources for the study of the Xi and Qidan peoples in the Tang dynasty,” Bulletin of the Institute of Oriental and Occidental studies, Kansai University 49 (April 2016); Moribe Yutaka, “Ying-zhou 営州: A case Study of Autonomous Administration (Jimizhou 羈縻州), Barbarian Soliders, and Military Institutions during the First Half of the Tang Dynasty.” in Military Control of a Multi-ethic Society in Early China: What Excavated Manuscripts Can Tell Us (Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 2018): 311–326.

30

Kwen EunJu, “The Study on the Epitaph of Ko Youngsook in Youngju of Tang,” The Journal of Korean Ancient History 84 (December 2016).

31

“似先氏 本高麗餘種也.” Tongzhi 通志 29, Shizu 5, Chufangfuxing.

32

Ma Yongzhong and Zhang Anxing, “Study on Tang Sixian Yiyi’s epitaph,” Beilinjikan (碑林集刊) 3 (December 1995): 95–101; Bai Genxing. Study on migrants of Gaoli and Baiji (唐代高麗百済移民研究) (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2012); Tsuchiya Masaaki, “Taoism and Korea and Its Students to China in the Tang Dynasty,” Ancient East Asia and Students Abroad in Global Perspective The Center For Historical Studies East Asia (専修大学東アジア世界史研究センター年報) 4 (March 2010); Yun Yong-gu, “Research Trends of Epitaphs, Excavated in China, for Displaced Peoples of Koguryo and Paekche,” The Journal of Korean Ancient History 75 (September 2014): 61–103; Lee Dong-hoon, “The Korean Diaspora in China during the Period of Wei-Jin Kingdoms, Northern and Southern Dynasties.”

33

According to Tsuchiya, the stone monument, Xianxi sheng Yongshou xian Tai xiang Che cun Beiwei Zhaoxiang bei 陝西省永寿県永泰郷車村北魏造像碑, made in the Northern Wei shows that four people had their family name “似先.”

34

皇唐征有遼之不庭 兵戈次玄兔之野 君考夫卒慕遠祖融河外納款 遂斬九夷列城之將 稽顙旌門.

35

An Jeong-jun, “The Epitaph of Duseonbu (豆善富) and a Review of His Family.”

36

An Jeong-jun, “The Epitaphs of Yu Wonjeong and His Wife Wang, Descendants of Goguryeo Refugees During Tang Dynasty: Case of Activities of Descendants of Goguryeo Refugees in the Early Eighth Century,” Wooden Documents and Inscriptions Studies 23 (December 2019).

37

八代祖軒 仕馮燕爲博士郞中 卒. 子孫從燕遷于遼. 祖婁 寄遼爲耨薩 視中之將軍也.

38

Takeda Yukio, Koguryŏ’s history and East Asia (高句麗史と東アジア) (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1989), 59–77.

39

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Kaiyuan 開元 370.

40

Bai Genxing, Study on migrants of Gaoli and Baiji; Lee Dong-hoon, “The Korean Diaspora in China during the Period of Wei-Jin Kingdoms, Northern and Southern Dynasties”:

41

Kim Su-jin, “Study on the refugees of Koguryo in Tang cities (唐京 高句麗 遺民 研究),” Ph.D diss., Seoul National University, 2017.

42

Xu Song, Tang Liangjing Chengfang kao (唐両京城坊攷). Translated by Otagi Hajime. (Tokyo: Heisonsha, 1994).

43

“Li Xin’s epitaph.” Zhou Shaoliang and Zhao Chao. Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Kaiyuan 開元 232.

44

“Li Wulü’s epitaph.” Zhou Shaoliang and Zhao Chao. Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Kaiyuan 開元 288.

45

“Li Liang’s epitaph.” Zhou Shaoliang and Zhao Chao. Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Zhenyuan 貞元 101.

46

Kim Su-jin, “Study on the refugees of Koguryo in Tang cities.”

47

“夜郎 康居 殊方萬里 說德歸誼 此太平之致也,” Hanshu 漢書 56, Liezhuan 26, Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒; “其九服之制 可得而言也. 然荒域之外 重譯而至 非足跡車 軌所及 未有知其國俗殊方者也,” Sanguozhi 三國志 30, Dongyinzhuan 東夷傳; “蠻夷戎狄 殊方異類 重譯而至者 日月於闕廷,” Jiutangshu 舊唐書 23, Liyizhi 禮儀志 3, Fengshan 封禪.

48

Kim Su-jin, “Study on the refugees of Koguryo in Tang cities.”

49

Kaneko Shuichi, Study on ancient East Asia history (Tokyo: Yagi shoten, 2019), 471–476.

50

Suishu 隋書 4, Yandibengji 煬帝本紀, Daye 8nian Zhengyue Renwu 大業8年春正 月壬午条.

51

Kaneko Shuichi, Study on ancient East Asia history, 277–301; Lee Sungsi, “East Asia in 6–8th century and ‘East Asia world’ theory,” in Iwanamikoza Nihon rekishi 岩波講座 日本歴史 2. (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 2014), 217–219.

52

“文宣 司膳卿 左衞大將軍 樂浪郡公,” Yuanhe Xingzuan 元和姓纂 2, Fuyu 夫餘.

53

Park Hyun-kyu, “The 15th Cavern of Tianlong (天龍山) Mountains’ Stone Caves and the Account for General Mulbusun’s (勿部珣) Charitable Deed,” Humanities Journal, Sogang University 25 (June 2009).

54

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Tianbao 天寶 064.

55

Lou Zhenghao, “Li Yinzhi’ family: the Goguryeo adherents in Tang China,” Society for the Study of Early Korean History 21 (December 2015).

56

Bai, Study on migrants of Gaoli and Baiji, 173.

57

Lee Dong-hoon, “A Study on Goguryeo & Baekje Immigrants’ Grave Epitaph Composition and its Drafter,” The Journal of Korean Ancient History 76 (December 2014).

58

Zhan Yan, “Tang Gaoli yimin GaoRaomiao muzhi kaolüe 唐高丽遗民≪高铙苗墓 志≫考略,” Wenbo 文博 2010–5 (September 2010).

59

Kim Youngkwan, “A Study on the Epitaph of Gojeseok (高提昔), former Goguryo People,” The Paek-San Hakpo 97 (December 2013).

60

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian Xuji 唐代墓誌彙編續集 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2001), Tianshou 天授 015.

61

Lou Zhenghao, “Goguryeo Exiles in Tang China: Gomo,” The Journal for the Studies of Korean History 53 (November 2013).

62

Ge, Jiyong, “The Newly unearthed Epitaph of the Goguryeo Immigrant Gao Yide in Tang Dynasty and the Late Domestic and Foreign Affairs of Goguryeo,” Ancient Korean History 79 (September 2015), Translated by Lee You-pyo.

63

Ge Jiyong, “The Newly unearthed Epitaph of the Goguryeo Immigrant Gao Yide in Tang Dynasty and the Late Domestic and Foreign Affairs of Goguryeom”; Lee Seong-je, “The Family and Life story of a certain Koguryeo Military Commander: An annotated translation and analysis of a newly discovered 〈epitaph for Go Eul-deok (高乙德)〉,” Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China 38 (November 2015); Jeong Dong-jun, “The memorial inscription of Go Euldeok (高乙德),” Wooden Documents and Inscriputions Studies 17 (December 2016).

64

Quan Tang wen buyi: Qiantangzhizhai xinzhang quanji 全唐文補遺: 千唐誌齋新 藏專輯 (Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 2006), 79–81.

65

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Shengli 聖曆 044.

66

Lee Moon-key, “Examination on the Ko Chogyu’s epitaph.” History Education Review 26(February 2001); Bai Genxing, Study on migrants of Gaoli and Baiji.

67

Ebata Takeshi, “Development of Kija Chosŏn’s legend,” Journal of Hannan University Humanities & natural science 25–1~3 (December 1989); Ebata Takeshi, “Formation of Kija Chosŏn’s legend,” Journal of Hannan University Humanities & natural science 18–4 (March 1983).

68

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian Xuji 唐代墓誌彙編續集 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2001), Kaiyuan 開元 096.

69

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Tianbao 天寶 008.

70

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian Xuji 唐代墓誌彙編續集 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 2001), Kaiyuan 開元 376.

71

Quan Tang wen buyi: Qiantangzhizhai xinzhang quanji 全唐文補遺: 千唐誌齋新 藏專輯 (Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 2006), 196–197.

72

Xintangshu 新唐書 71下, Zaixiangshixibial 宰相世系表 1下, Gaoshi 高氏.

73

Lee Dong-hoon, “Displaced people of Goguryo, Godek (高德) and ‘Godek’s Epitaph (高德墓誌銘),” The Journal for the Studies of Korean History 31 (May 2008).

74

Kwen EunJu, “Study of the Epitaphs of Go Heum-deok (高欽德) and Go Won-mang (高遠望), the displaced of Goguryeo (高句麗).”

75

Tangdai Muzhi Huibian 唐代墓誌彙編 (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), Dali 大曆 075.

76

Quan Tang wen buyi 6 全唐文補遺 6 (Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 1999), 459.

77

Song Ki-ho, Studies on the social and cultural history of Balhae state (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2011), 306–323.

78

Ma Chi, “Study on the Sinicisation of Barbarians into Tang,” Tangshiluncong 唐史论丛 7 (February 1998).

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Article information Continued

Table 1

The list of the Koguryŏ people’s epitaphs

No Name Years of birth and death Year of epitaph’s production Clan origin Time of immigration to Tang
1 Ko Yomyo
高鐃苗
?~673 673 遼東 Ko Yomyo did.
2 Ko Chesŏk
高提昔
649~675 674 國內城 貞觀 period
3 Yi T’ain
李他仁
609~675 677 遼東柵州 Yi T’ain did.
4 Chŏn Namseng
泉男生
634~679 679 遼東平壤城 666
5 Ko Hyŏn
高玄
642~690 691 遼東三韓 666
6 Ko Chogyu
高足酉
626~695 697 遼東平壤 668
7 Ko Mu
高牟
640~694 699 安東 Ko Mu did.
8 Ko Chil
高質
626~697 700 遼東朝鮮 668
9 Ko Cha
高慈
665~697 700 朝鮮 668
10 Chŏn Hŏnsŏng
泉獻誠
634~679 701 高句麗國 666
11 Ko Ŭldŏk
高乙德
618~699 701 卞國東部 661
12 Chŏn Namsan
泉男産
639~701 702 遼東朝鮮 668
13 Ko Mokro
高木盧
650~730 730 渤海蓚 668?
14 Chŏn Pi
泉毖
708~729 733 京兆萬年 Great grandfather did.
15 Yi Indŏk
李仁德
673~733 733 樂浪 Unknown.
16 Wang Kyŏngyo
王景曜
680~734 735 太原 Father 排須 did.
17 Yi Ŭnji
李隱之
655~705 739 遼東 668
18 Tu Sŏnbu
豆善富
684~741 741 扶風平陵 Father 夫卒 did. 668?
19 Ko Tŏk
高德
676~742 742 渤海 Grandfather 宗 did. 668?
20 Yu Wonjŏng
劉元貞
?~744 744 後漢 東平憲王 Father 順 did.
21 Ko Wonmang
高遠望
697~740 745 Grandfatehr 千 did.
22 Yi Hoe
李懷
677~745 745 趙郡賛皇 Grandfather 直 did in Tang Taizong period.
23 Ko Hŭmdŏk
高欽德
677~733 746 or 750 渤海 Fatehr 千 did.
24 Mrs. Ko
高氏夫人
731~772 772 渤海s Grat grandfather 藏 did.
25 Nam Tandŏk
南単德
699~776 776 平壤 Grandfather 狄 did.
26 Ko Chin
高震
701~773 778 渤海 Grandfather 藏 did.
27 Ko Yŏngsuk
高英淑
643~691 694 昌黎孤竹 Great grandfather did. The Northern Wei period.
28 Sasŏn Ŭiil
似先義逸
786~850 850 遼東 Unknown.

Table 2

Periodization of the Koguryŏ diaspora’s epitaphs

Period Time of epitaph’s production Number of epitaphs Whose epitaph
1 760s 4 Ko Yomyo 高鐃苗; Ko Chesŏk 高提昔; Yi T’ain 李他仁; Chŏn Namseng 泉男生
2 690s~700s 8 Ko Hyŏn 高玄; Ko Chogyu 高足酉; Ko Mu 高牟; Ko Chil 高質; Ko Cha 高慈; Chŏn Hŏnsŏng 泉獻誠; Ko Uldŏk 高乙德; Chŏn Namsan 泉男産
3 730s~740s 11 Ko Mokro 高木盧; Chŏn Bi 泉毖; Yi Indŏk 李仁德; Wang Gyŏngyo 王景曜; Yi Ŭnji 李隱之; Tu Sŏnbu 豆善富; Ko Dŏk 高德; Yu Wonjŏng 劉元貞; Ko Wonmang 高遠望; Yi Hoe李懷; Ko Hŭmdŏk 高欽德
4 770s 3 Ms. Ko 高氏夫人; Nam Tandŏk 南単德; Ko Chin 高震

Table 3

Type of genealogy of Ko and Chŏn clans

Period 1
670s
Period 2
690s~700s
Period3
730s~740s
Period4
770s
Ko clan’s epitaphs 【genealogy-type】 高鐃苗
【Prototypes】
高玄
【Prototypes】
高提昔
【Prototypes】
高牟
【Prototypes】
高乙德
【Prototypes】
高慈
【Prototypes】
高足酉
【Yin and Qizi-type】
高遠望
【Yin and Qizi-type】
高質
【Yin and Qizi-type】
高木盧
【Bohai-type】
高氏夫人
【Bohai-type】
高德
【Bohai-type】
高震
【Bohai-type】
高欽德
【Bohai-type】
Chŏn clan’s epitaphs <clan origin> 泉男生
<Liadodong>
泉獻誠
<Koguryŏ>
泉毖
<Chang’an>
泉男産
<Liaodong>

Table 4

The list of Koguryo diaspora’s marriage

Name Years of birth and death Spouse
Ko Chesŏk 高提昔 649~674 Mr. Chŏn 泉某
Yi Ŭnji 李隱之 655~705 Mrs. Yu 劉氏
Ko Hŭmdŏk 高欽德 677~733 Mrs. Taiyuan Wang 太原王氏; Mrs. Henan Cheng 河南程氏
Yi Hoe 李懷 678~745 Mrs. Taiyuan Wang 太原王氏
Wang Kyŏngyo 王景曜 680~734 Mrs. Yi 李氏; Mrs. Ko 高氏
Chŏn Hyŏnŭn 泉玄隱 Unknown Mrs. Ko 高氏
Nam Tandŏk 南単德 699~776 Mrs. Xiao 蕭氏
Ko Chin 高震 701~773 Mrs. Zhending Cheng 眞定程氏
Chŏn Pi 泉毖 708~729 Mrs. Wang 王氏
Mrs. Ko 高氏夫人 731~772 Shao Shan 邵陝

Table 5

Span of the Koguryŏ diaspora’s activities