“단절성”으로 본 한국 내 이주 무슬림 공동체의 역사 흐름*
국문초록
본 연구는 단절성을 주요 특징으로 삼아 한국 내 이슬람의 역사를 분석한다. 고려와 조선 시대부터 현대에 이르기까지, 이주 무슬림 공동체는 세대를 이어가지 못한 채 파편적으로 유입되었다. 따라서 본 연구는 고려와 조선 시대의 역사적 기록과 일제강점기의 문헌 등 1차 자료를 활용하여 한국의 이슬람 역사를 네 시기로 분류한다. 신라 시대(초기 무슬림 접촉 가능성), 고려 및 조선 시대(회회 무슬림), 일제강점기 및 한국 전쟁(타타르 및 투르크계 무슬림), 그리고 1990년대 이후(무슬림 공동체의 다양화)라는 네 시기는 이주 무슬림들이 외부 요인에 의해 한국에 유입되고 시대 변화와 함께 사라졌던 역사를 보여준다. 각 시기 간 이슬람 전통과 관행의 지속적인 전승이 이루어지지 않았다는 점은 한국과 이슬람 간의 복잡한 관계를 반영한다. 결과적으로 본 연구는 현대 한국 사회에서 이주 무슬림 공동체의 통합 과정에서의 도전 과제를 논의하며, 역사적 관계를 이해하는 것이 미래의 공존을 위한 필수 요소임을 제안한다.
주제어: 한국 이슬람의 역사, 한국의 이주 무슬림, 단절성, 회회(回回), 동아시아의 무슬림
Abstract
This study explores the history of Islam in Korea, focusing on discontinuity as a defining characteristic. Migrant Muslim communities, from the Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods to modern times, arrived in waves, disconnected from previous generations. This study classifies the history of Islam in Korea into four periods using primary sources, including historical texts from the Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods and records from the Japanese colonial era. It highlights the transient nature of Muslim communities in Korea, driven by shifts in international relations and the policies of ruling elites. The four periods-Shilla period (possibilities of early Muslim contact), Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods (Huihui Muslims), Japanese colonial period and Korean War (Tatar and Turkic Muslims), and post-1990 (Muslim community diversification)-illustrate how migrant Muslims have historically been brought to Korea by external forces and left with regime changes. The absence of continuity in transmitting Islamic traditions and practices between these periods reflects the complex relationship between Korea and Islam. The study concludes by addressing the challenges of integrating migrant Muslim communities into contemporary South Korean society. It proposes that a deeper understanding of this historical relationship is essential for fostering coexistence in the future.
KeyWords: Korea Islamic history in Korea, Migrant Muslims in Korea, Discontinuity, Huihui, Muslims in East Asia
Introduction
The history of Islam in Korea is primarily the history of migrant Muslims, intertwined with the broader narrative of the Korean Peninsula. These communities have historically arrived in response to shifts in the power structure of the ruling class and disappeared due to global and local circumstances. This study acknowledges that Muslims have lived in Korea and that their lives have been documented, yet there is no continuous succession to contemporary society. It explores the fragmentary presence of Islam throughout Korea’s history, examining the traces and influences left behind and what can be learned about the exchange and acceptance of others. The study aims to analyze the history of Islam in Korea, identifying discontinuity as a critical feature. Using primary sources, it highlights discontinuity as a characteristic of migrant Muslims in Korean history. It aims to classify this history into four periods to establish a framework for chronological examination. Consequently, the study infers the historical significance of migrant Muslims in Korea, reflecting on their historical appearance, importance, and value. It invites the audience to delve deeper into this aspect of Korean history. In contrast to previous studies that focused on specific points in history, this research examines the history of Islam in Korea from a broader, comprehensive perspective, highlighting discontinuity as a unique characteristic. This approach provides a fundamental chronological framework that enables more focused research on particular historical periods and offers a holistic view of migrant Muslims in Korea. By synthesizing trends from earlier research and refining the periodization of these trends, this study establishes a more systematic framework for historical analysis, adding to its significance.
Discussing discontinuity may seem awkward in the context of a fluid history over time. However, the history of Islam in Korea is marked by discontinuity. Migrant Muslim communities did not settle in successive generations but arrived in separate waves with diverse backgrounds. Their settlement and migration processes are documented in historical texts. The discontinuity of migrant Muslims in Korea represents the interaction between previous and subsequent generations of these communities. Therefore, this study analyzes various primary sources that have survived in Korea, including Koryósa[高麗史], Koryósajóryo[高麗史節要], Chosónwangjoshillok[朝鮮王朝實錄], and Japanese publications during Japanese colonial period. By analyzing secondary sources on the lifestyles of migrant Muslims and applying the characteristics of modern immigrant adaptation patterns from various societies to historical contexts, the study deduced the keyword discontinuity and analyzed its significance. In doing so, it sought to reveal the unique characteristics of Korea’s migrant Muslim history. Discontinuity and re-migration are the key terms representing the distinctive features of Korea’s migrant Muslim history.
Based on this, the study summarizes the historically used terms for Muslims in Korea and proposes a phased periodization of the history of migrant Muslims in Korea. It examines the impact of the characteristics of Islamic history on Korean history and its implications for contemporary society.
Literature Review
Most prior academic research on migrant Muslims has centered on the early influx of Muslim migrants, 1 the challenges of social integration faced by contemporary migrants, 2 and the various cultural exchanges 3 and mutual recognition between Korea and the Islamic world. 4 However, there has been a notable lack of detailed research analyzing Islam as a religion in Korea, historically categorizing Islam in Korea, or identifying the characteristics of Muslims in each era. Existing research has not defined the history of migrant Muslims in Korea from a comprehensive perspective, nor has it illuminated its characteristics. Instead, it has simply listed past events and examined the significance of individual incidents. This gap in research has limited the ability to analyze the historical significance of the period while providing an overview of the broader historical flow.
Research in this field, predominantly conducted in Islamic studies, Middle Eastern studies, cultural anthropology, history, and art history, has not produced continuous results but has seen intermittent studies from various perspectives since the 1990s.
The most researched topics are the initial encounters between Korea and the Islamic world, the portrayal of Islam, and societal reactions in contemporary Korea. 5 Many researchers have sought to determine the first point of contact between Korea and the Islamic world, leading to fierce debates based on the nature of each researcher’s field and the reliability of sources. This has resulted in a coexistence of views: some believe that the interactions began in the Shilla period, 6 while others argue that this cannot be conclusively determined. 7 This study will discuss these points, not to decide which is closer to the truth but to underscore the need for further research and discussion.
When examining previous research along the chronology of Korean history, the records from the Koryó and Chosón dynasties provide relatively accurate accounts of the influx, socialization, migration, and disappearance of Muslims. 8 Additionally, there was intermittent awareness of Muslims in other countries outside the Korean peninsula and their living conditions. 9 Some researchers have acknowledged the existence of reliable primary sources, citing them in their work. Yet, based on these sources, there has been no comprehensive analysis of Islam in the Koryó or Chosón periods. Instead, studies have focused on specific topics such as calendar production, 10 perceptions of Islam, 11 and the relevance of the hijab in the Chosón Dynasty. 12 Thus, research on Islam in these dynasties has not centered on the Muslim community itself but has analyzed Islam as a factor within a broader societal context.
During the Japanese colonial period, there was an influx of Muslims into Korean society, mainly studied by Tatar Muslim researchers. 13 However, because migrant Muslims did not remain continuously in Korean society and their integration into the mainstream culture was not the main focus of many researchers, studies have been fragmented. There is a lack of intermediate-period studies, particularly those not focusing on the Shilla period or on 21st-century communities that impact current society directly.
Literature on migrant Muslim communities entering Korean society since the 2000s has been more active. Research has been published in both Korean and international journals, with a focus on analyzing Islamophobia in Korean society 14 and migrant Muslim conflicts. 15 However, studies of the contemporary Muslim community in Korea are primarily concerned with the new influx of migrant Muslims since the 2000s, 16 leading to social conflicts and changes in Korean perceptions of migrant Muslims due to international changes. 17 In particular, various studies have been conducted from a racial perspective on social conflicts related to Yemeni refugees who arrived in Korea after 2018, the conflict over the construction of a mosque in Daegu that emerged in 2021, and the settlement of Afghan Special Contributors.
Existing studies have not analyzed the overall historical flow or characteristics of migrant Muslims but have focused on their impacts and roles on the Korean peninsula in different periods. This study examines the history of Muslims in Korea using primary sources and existing research, proposing a four-period analysis based on the discontinuity characteristic. It aims to provide a narrative framework for analyzing the history of Islam in Korea, enabling more detailed study of migrant Muslims and identifying unique aspects of Muslim history.
Terminology of Muslims in Korean History
In the modern world, people can accurately recognize and distinguish Islam, Muslims, and the specific peoples and nations under the term ‘Muslim.’ Historically, this clarity was absent. Worldviews varied significantly across eras and regions, with interpretations influenced by neighboring countries within local perspectives. While this situation remains somewhat unchanged in modern society, it is gradually improving. On the Korean Peninsula, dynasties faced similar challenges. Contemporary analysis allows for accurate categorization of past ethnic groups in Korean society, such as Muslim, non-Muslim, Arab, Persian, Turkic, Sogdian, and others. Earlier, such distinctions were challenging, leading to varied and interchangeable terms for those now recognized as Muslims. This terminology unified over time, and by the late 19th century, as Western influence rapidly expanded on the Korean peninsula, precise distinctions emerged.
To analyze the history of migrant Muslims in Korea, it is essential to examine the various terms used historically to refer to them and establish relevant categories for this study. Known terms in surviving Korean canonical records include Huihui(Hoehoe, 回回), Saengmong(色目), Taeshing(大食), Hoehŭl(回紇), Hoegol(唐兀), and Oeoa(畏吾兒). 18 These terms differ subtly based on usage frequency, the believed referents, and historical context. Initially, terms like Taeshigin, Saengmogin, and Huihui broadly referred to the Western World, particularly regions west of Korea. 19 With the expansion of the Tang Dynasty, this ‘West’ came to include Arabia and Persia, and thus, the scope of the ‘West’ varied throughout history. 20 The gradual Islamization of the referred regions further compounded this confusion. In the early periods, Taeshigin and Saengmogin referred to specific areas or peoples. However, Koryó was under the significant influence of the Yuan Dynasty, and interactions increased. 21 With their tangible presence in society, the vocabulary related to Muslims on the Korean peninsula began to distinguish their identities, and the term Huihui was used with religious connotations to denote Muslims or those with Islam as their religion.
While it is challenging to demonstrate the precise usage of these names as we do today, we can categorize their general characteristics and referents. For instance, during the Tang dynasty, ‘Taeshigin’ meant Arab. 22 This term was first used in Korean history to refer to Arabs in September 1024. 23 In surviving Korean canonical records, ‘Taeshing’ was the initial term used for the West Asian region. 24 By the 13th century, ‘Huihui’ appeared, believed to be adapted from a Chinese phrase as a generic term for all Muslims. 25 Due to the derivation from Huihui, it might be misunderstood to refer to Uyghurs, but accurate ethnic distinctions at the time were challenging. 26 Particularly, the Yuan Dynasty had a policy of registering Muslims from Arabia, Persia, and Central Asia under the collective term Huihui, regardless of origin, leading to the emergence of a community group named Huihui as a collective term for Muslims. 27 Consequently, both Koryó and Chosón were influenced by China and referred to Muslims as Huihui post-13th century. This term represented an imagined ethnicity based on religion, allowing people to share a common identity artificially, and over time, Huihui became ethnicized to the extent that descendants recognized and identified with their heritage. 28
The most frequently used term for Muslims in Korean canonical history is Huihui, indicating its use for Muslims rather than specific ethnicities or races. In contrast, terms like Hoehŭl, Hoegol, Oeoa, and Oeora refer specifically to Uyghurs. Considering the predominantly Buddhist religion of Uyghurs before Islam, further consideration is needed to determine if these terms referred to Muslim Uyghurs or Uyghurs as a broader ethnic group. The term ‘Saengmogin’ first appeared in April 1335. 29 The Yuan Dynasty’s four-class system distinguished various ethnic groups within the empire. Saengmogin broadly included Westerners like Huihui, Uyghur, and Naiman, excluding Mongolian-Chinese and Chinese from the southern provinces. 30 Therefore, this category should be viewed more broadly than a single religion or ethnicity and should not be interpreted as uniformly Muslim.
Over time, Saengmong and Taeshing became less frequent in historical records, with Huihui becoming more common. This indicates that later generations of historical writers used the term Huihui to refer to Muslims in a narrow sense and to strangers from the Western regions of China in a broader sense, without the fine distinctions between the various ethnic, linguistic, and geographic areas of the Muslim community that we make today. 31 From the 19th century onward, as Western knowledge flowed in, distinctions between West Asia’s various countries, ethnicities, and religions were made. 32 This paper explores the history of migrant Muslims in Korea using the term Huihui, widely used since the 13th century. It’s important to distinguish that the Huihui discussed here are recorded in Korean history, not the modern Hui tribe of China. Thus, the history of Huihui on the Korean peninsula differs from contemporary China’s Huihui. In the Koryó and Chosón dynasties, Huihui was used more broadly than the ethnic concept in modern China, referring to people with Muslim identities that cannot be precisely identified today, such as ethnicity or kinship.
Historical Evidence of Discontinuity
This study posits that discontinuity characterizes the history of migrant Muslims in Korea. Discontinuity implies a lack of connectivity, linkage, and interaction over time among Muslim communities in Korea, contrasting with a continuous genealogical lineage that persists from a specific point in time to the present. This pattern of distinct influx and outflow periods is evident in historical records, such as those from the Koryó and Chosón dynasties, publications from the Japanese colonial era, and Korea’s broader historical narrative since its establishment.
According to reliable historical sources, migrant Muslims formed communities during the Koryó and Chosón dynasties, the Japanese occupation, the Korean War, and after the Republic of Korea’s founding. For instance, Taeshing records indicate tributes to Koryó in 1024, 1025, and 1040. 33 The Saengmong joined the Ming Dynasty’s envoys in the 14th century, 34 and individuals like Sólchangsu and Ch’oenosóng naturalized in Koryó. 35 While it is challenging to assert that Taeshing and Saengmong formed significant communities, the presence of these individuals confirms familial formations. However, the terms Taeshing and Saengmong do not definitively indicate Muslim identity, requiring additional sources for precise identification. In contrast, the consistent mention of Huihui and their significant numbers from the 13th century suggests adopting the term from the Chinese Yuan Dynasty to denote Muslims. 36 Thus, the Huihui in Koryó were likely Muslims, as evidenced by the first record of a Huihui, Ashilmiri, sent from the Yuan Dynasty in 1276 37 and a feast for the king hosted by Huihui in 1279. 38 By 1387, the record in which Uwang asked for marriage to a Huihui, Kimbi, indicates Huihui’s continuous entry and settlement in society since 1277. 39 It’s presumed that Huihui among the Kómnyónggu who accompanied princesses marrying into Koryó from the Yuan Dynasty naturalized and led the community, integrating into the ruling Koryó elite. While no direct records exist of Muslims forming religious communities in Koryó, the Chosón’s records suggest Muslims maintained their Islamic identity. Notably, Huihui appeared in government, participated in religious rituals during significant national, 40 and received a monthly salary from the government, 41 indicating their inclusion in the ruling class from the end of Koryó to early Chosón. During King Sejong’s reign, an incident forced the congregation to assimilate, temporarily giving up their identity, ironically confirming their established religious community in Chosón society. 42 However, their distinct lifestyle led to a demand from the populace to ban Muslim customs, which King Sejong enacted, 43 marking the end of the migrant Muslim history in Korea from the Koryó Dynasty.
As a result, migrant Muslims who lived in Korea during the Koryó and Chosón periods disappeared from history along with discontinuity. This was the outcome of assimilation imposed unilaterally by the ruling class upon the subordinate class. Unlike modern society, the past had an absolutist monarchy, where the king held authority. In other words, intentional assimilation of foreigners from the top down was possible within such a society.
Migrant Muslims reemerged in Korea during the Japanese colonial period, driven by Western imperialist expansion and socialism’s rise in Russia. Abdulrasheed Ibrahim, a Tatar Muslim from the Ottoman Empire, traveled to Korea via Japan in 1909, documenting his observations. 44 Records from the 1920s show the re-establishment of Muslim communities, particularly Tatar Muslims from the Volga-Ural region fleeing socialism in Russia, who migrated via Manchuria on the Eastern Railway to Japan. 45 The 1930s saw significant integration of Tatar Muslims into Korean society, where they maintained a friendly stance towards Japan, interacting deeply with the ruling class. Japan cultivated relations with Islamic powers to counter Western imperialism, benefiting the colonization of Korea. 46 Immigrant Muslims adhered to Japanese policies in education, war support, and donations, maintaining their identity, a contrast to the restrictions and persecution faced by Christianity and Buddhism under Japanese religious policies. 47 Paradoxically, the favorable Muslim stance towards Japan facilitated their departure following World War II’s end, leading them to re-migrate to countries like Turkey, the USA, and Australia. 48 The migrant Muslims’ presence in Korea during the colonial period was transient, dependent on the ruling class’s intentions and the shifting international order. By this time, Korean society began to recognize the national and ethnic identities of migrant Muslims, with newspapers referring to Turkestan Muslims as T’oigi and Tatar Muslims as Tatars or Tatal, alongside distinct references to Indian, Pakistani, and Arab Muslims. 49 This precise distinction and perception of Muslims in Korea likely developed through international interactions and the influx of Western knowledge.
The influx of migrant Muslims during the Koryó, Chosón, and Japanese colonial periods, followed by their abrupt disappearance, signifies that these communities existed in a state of segregated cultural adaptation within Korean society. Particularly, the top-down political acceptance and utilization of these migrant Muslim communities by the ruling elites was a decisive factor in their sudden disappearance from history, resulting in the characteristic discontinuity observed in their existence.
Muslims reappeared on the Korean Peninsula on October 17, 1950, marking the confirmed historical presence of Muslims from that year when the Korean War began after North Korea invaded South Korea. Turkey sent combat troops, deploying them to the front lines by November 12 of that year as part of the UN’s military aid policy, making Turkey the second country after the USA to send troops. 50 Turkey dispatched a brigade totaling 5,500 soldiers, with a cumulative strength of 21,212 by the war’s end. 51 The Turkish military’s role extended beyond combat to civilian support, notably establishing the Ankara School in Suwon to educate war orphans and distribute essentials to war refugees. 52 Around this time, Korean converts to Islam began to appear, leading to approximately 250 Korean converts. 53 From 1956, the Turkish military imam supported the Korean Islamic community in neighboring Asian countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, and Pakistan. 54 The Islamic Association of Korea was established in 1967, the precursor to today’s KMF. 55 The 1970s oil shock catalyzed the formation of the Muslim community in South Korea, enhancing interest in the Middle East and Islamic cultures and leading to government support for the Muslim community. 56 A government-funded mosque was constructed in Hannam-dong, Seoul, which remains operational. 57 Additionally, Korean universities established Arabic language departments, engaging more deeply with the Islamic world. 58
In the 1970s and 1980s, the Muslim community in Korea centered around a small but growing number of Korean Muslims, mainly as Korean laborers migrated to Saudi Arabia and Iraq during the Middle Eastern construction boom, alongside Islam converts and university students studying Islam. 59 The economic development known as the Han River Miracle transformed South Korea from a labor exporter to an importer by the 1990s. 60 In 1991, South Korea introduced the Overseas Investment Company Trainee Program, actively screening and distributing migrant workers to industries. This process intensified in November 1993 with the renaming of the Industrial Training Program. 61 Migrant workers originated from countries like Bangladesh, Indonesia, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, marking the arrival of numerous Muslim migrants from Central, South, and Southeast Asia. 62 In 2004, Korea switched to an employment permit system, allowing entry after screening for applicants from countries with a memorandum of understanding with South Korea to address labor shortages in small and medium-sized enterprises. 63 With one of the world’s lowest birth rates in 2024, the influx of foreign migrants extends beyond labor gap filling. Policies aim to stabilize highly skilled workers accustomed to living and working in Korea, and discussions are underway to establish an immigration agency. 64 Thus, migrant workers constitute the most significant component of South Korea’s migrant Muslim population in the 21st century, followed by international students. South Korea does not conduct religious surveys of incoming foreigners, leaving the exact religious affiliations unclear. 65 However, based on scholarly research, it is estimated that between 200,000 and 230,000 foreign Muslims live in South Korea, with approximately 60,000 Korean Muslims, according to the 2022 official announcement of the KMF, totaling an estimated 300,000 Muslims in South Korea. 66
How can we discuss discontinuity in our observed history? There has been a consistent flow of Muslims to the Korean peninsula. Still, the migrant Muslim communities of one era were not connected to those of the next nor influenced by the lifestyle, culture, or customs of previous communities. Each era’s migrant Muslim communities had distinct roots outside the Korean peninsula. Therefore, while there were consistent migrant Muslim communities in each period, they did not have a continuous history within the peninsula, remaining as isolated islands. This disconnection was due to the artificial process driven by the politics of the time, international trends, and vested interests. During the Koryó, migrant Muslims were brought in to fulfill the Yuan Dynasty’s needs and facilitate reconciliation with Korea. In the Chosón, they were introduced for similar purposes. During the Japanese era, the influx of migrant Muslims supported Japan’s pan-Asianism and colonial governance, disappearing with Japan’s defeat. The Korean War prompted the influx and return of Muslims due to the war’s circumstances. In modern times, migrant Muslims have been brought to Korea by the state to meet labor demands. This contrasts with China’s continuous Muslim history and is similar to Japan’s flow of migrant Muslim communities. Thus, “discontinuity” is the crucial term describing the experience of migrant Muslims in Korea.
Flow and Significance of Muslim History in Korea
In the previous section, we established that discontinuity is the defining characteristic of the migrant Muslim community in Korea. Consequently, the history of Islam on the Korean Peninsula can be distinctly categorized into four periods: Period 1, the Shilla Period - The Age of Unknowns and Possibilities; Period 2, the Koryó and Chosón Periods – The Age of Huihui Muslims; Period 3, the Japanese and Korean Wars – The Age of Tatars and Turkic Muslims; and Period 4, Post-1990 – The Age of Muslim Community Diversification. Each period has unique characteristics, but commonalities exist across all periods.
Middle Eastern scholars have primarily proposed the possibility of Muslim-Korean exchanges during the Shilla period. 67 These studies often cite Arabic and Persian sources, including travelogues by ibn Qurdabi and prose collections like Kushinama, but these are not official historical sources. 68 Therefore, the reliability of these sources is not guaranteed, and without further sources or clear archaeological evidence, the claim that Muslims entered the Korean peninsula during this period remains speculative. Despite this, the belief that Muslims arrived during the Shilla period has gained traction, especially in Middle Eastern studies. 69 In contrast, historians and art historians approach the possibility of Muslim presence during the Shilla period with caution, citing a lack of direct contact evidence and questioning the objectivity and validity of positive speculations. 70 Given that Islamic records first appeared in Korean history during the Koryó, it is unlikely that Arab and Persian sources from the Shilla period are firsthand accounts. These accounts were likely second-hand, sourced from merchants traveling to and from China. While the records indicate mutual awareness between Shilla and the Islamic world, they cannot be used as direct evidence of interaction or Muslim settlement on the Korean peninsula. The absence of reliable sources leaves the non-entry of Muslims during the Shilla period unconfirmed. This lack of evidence opens various possibilities, necessitating discovering and verifying new sources through further research. However, excluding the Shilla period as the initial period would overlook potential research opportunities. Therefore, this study categorizes the Shilla period as an era of unknowns and possibilities, serving as a foundation for historical exploration and continued research.
The characteristics of Periods 2 through 4 are well-defined by the historical evidence available. Each period features distinct differences in the ethnic identity, social class, and acculturation status of the migrant Muslims. Period 2, the era of the Huihui Muslims, covers the Koryó and Chosón. During these times, the migrant Muslims in Korea were Huihui Muslims from the Yuan Dynasty. They integrated into the ruling class and deeply connected with the Koryó and Chosón. There were instances of complete assimilation into Korean society, as seen in the Tóksu Chang family, which settled as a single-family unit. 71 In summary, the migrant Muslims of the Koryó and Chosón periods were characterized by their complete assimilation into Korea, becoming an integral part of Korean society. Period 3, the period of Tatar and Turkic Muslims, covers the Japanese and Korean Wars. Despite significant historical events such as colonization and independence between these periods, they are grouped into the same period due to their close temporal proximity and the shared ethnic identity of the migrant Muslims as Tatars, a Turkic branch. Specifically, Muslims of Turkic origin, also known as T’oigi, were brought to Korea in small numbers during the Japanese occupation and in large numbers during the Korean War. 72 During the Japanese colonial period, these immigrant Muslims were primarily merchants and formed a social class that followed and supported the Japanese regime. 73 During the Korean War, they were mainly soldiers who participated in the conflict and engaged in civic activities. 74 However, the Turkic and Tatar Muslims who arrived in South Korea during Period 3 were not fully assimilated into Korean society. Of course, migrants do not always remain integrated or assimilated within a society. They can stay in various forms, such as marginalization or segregation. In modern societies, migrant Muslims can exist as ethnic islands or parallel societies within a society, maintaining their identity. 75 However, the migrant Muslims who came to the Korean peninsula during Period 3 did not persist in any form within society after that. They left the Korean peninsula without fully assimilating as in Period 2 or adapting in various forms as in Period 4. The Japanese-era migrant Muslims departed the Korean Peninsula with Japan’s defeat, 76 and the Turkish veterans withdrew with the war’s en d. 77 Period 4, the final period of migrant Muslims, involves the influx that began in the 1990s and continues, aligned with Korea’s economic growth. 78 As expected, with an influx coinciding with economic development, these migrants are predominantly working-class, and the international student population has only begun to increase since the 2000s. 79 In contemporary Korea, migrant Muslim ethnic communities are diverse across Southeast Asia, South Asia, and Central Asia, with even greater diversity at the national and tribal levels. They exhibit various types of acculturation depending on the individual’s social status, economic level, and education. Like the migrant society in Europe, which has been active since the 20th century, 80 and the emergence of the modern concept of migrants and types of social settlement, Korea is experiencing a comparable phenomenon.
Despite these differences, three commonalities exist across all periods. First, all periods centered on migrant Muslim communities from outside the country. The Korean Muslim community, active since the 1970s, 81 is small and has not passed its Muslim identity from generation to generation. Migrant Muslims who settled in Korea lost their religious identity through assimilation, with each period bringing new migrants and creating new history. Essentially, the history of Islam on the Korean peninsula is that of migrant Muslims. Second, the migrant Muslim community was influenced by the intentions of the ruling class and international trends. If the history of Islam in Korea is that of migrants, then there must have been a trigger for their repeated influx, as Islam never fully settled there. In the second period, Muslims were brought due to the political relationship between the Yuan Dynasty and Koryó; in the third period, due to Japan’s imperialist policy; and in the fourth period, the Korean government’s employment policies and economic conditions led to a rapid influx of migrant Muslims. In other words, the Muslim community was established not through civilian will or the spread of religion but by the ruling class’s intentions and actions. Third, the fall of the ruling classes meant the decline of the migrant Muslim communities they absorbed. After the fall of Koryó and the rise of Chosón, the Muslim community initially remained influential, but once the Yuan-Koryó political ties ended, Chosón no longer catered to the Muslim community. 82 When Japan was defeated in the war, the Tatar migrant Muslim community, favored by Japan, could no longer stay in Korea and was forced to migrate for their safety. 83 In modern society, migrants are not expelled simply because they are disliked or no longer helpful. Muslims who migrate to Korea as laborers must determine their residency status based on legal standards when their labor value and permitted stay end, meaning they are introduced to a region by the intention of social leadership.
The temporally disconnected periods in the history of specific groups have significant implications. Traditions and heritage from one era were not transmitted to the next. For instance, the customs and traditions of the migrant Muslims during the Koryó and Chosón periods were not passed on to the Japanese era. Each group of migrant Muslims introduced their religion, ideas, culture, and customs from their original regions. Consequently, it is challenging to find consistently preserved artifacts or materials of historical value despite the long-standing presence of migrant Muslims in the territory. Moreover, Koreans in each era have perceived migrant Muslims as foreign and developed social antipathy towards them, primarily because Muslims have never been an integrated part of their society. This disintegration of the Muslim community during the Chosón was partly due to the inability to accept Muslim customs. Similarly, the social climate during the Japanese colonial period was hostile to the migrant Muslim community due to their perceived pro-Japanese behavior, which likely contributed to their departure from the Korean peninsula. In contemporary Korean society, several social conflicts have arisen with migrant Muslim communities, highlighting cultural differences from Korea’s existing norms. Notable incidents include the Jeju Yemeni refugee incident in 2018, 84 the Daegu Mosque construction conflict in 2021, 85 and the Afghanistan Special Contributor resettlement conflict in 2021. 86 These events underscore the ongoing challenges faced by migrant Muslims in integrating into Korean society.
Conclusion
This study identifies discontinuity as a defining characteristic of the history of Islam in Korea, dividing this history into four key periods. Throughout each period, migrant Muslim communities in Korea were shaped by external political and economic circumstances, but they lacked direct continuity with previous Muslim communities. This discontinuity explains why these Muslim communities failed to establish lasting roots in Korean society, with each community emerging and disappearing independently across different eras.
The first period is the Shilla Period, where the possibility of contact with Islam has been discussed, though clear historical evidence is lacking. This period is defined as the “Age of Unknowns and Possibilities,” suggesting the potential for early interactions between Korea and the Islamic world. The second period covers the Koryó and Chosón periods, when Huihui Muslims, largely influenced by the political relations with the Yuan Dynasty, arrived in Korea. Although these Muslims were initially integrated into Koryó and early Chosón society, their presence gradually faded over time. The third period is the Japanese colonial period and the Korean War, marked by the arrival of Tatar and Turkic Muslims. These migrants were brought to Korea through Japan’s colonial policies and the war, but after Japan’s defeat and the war’s end, these Muslim communities left Korea. Finally, the fourth period begins in the 1990s, characterized by the diversification of the Muslim community in Korea, primarily composed of migrant laborers and international students who arrived for economic reasons.
Throughout the four periods of Islamic history in Korea, the absence of continuity between migrant Muslim communities is the defining characteristic. Each period’s Muslims arrived under different circumstances, but their cultural and religious traditions were not passed down to future generations. This discontinuity shows that Islam never established a lasting presence in Korean society. Instead, Muslim communities emerged and vanished in fragmented, disconnected histories. As a result, contemporary migrant Muslims in Korea have no direct connection to their historical predecessors, requiring a new approach to how we engage with them.
Further research is needed to explore the nature of this discontinuity. For example, studying the interactions between Koryó and Chosón elites and Muslim communities could clarify why these communities disappeared. Similarly, investigating the role of Tatar and Turkic Muslims during the Japanese colonial period and the Korean War, and their impact on Korean society, is essential. Understanding this historical discontinuity will help reconstruct the relationship between past Muslim communities and present-day Korean society.
As South Korea faces a growing influx of immigrants due to its declining birth rate, many of these newcomers are expected to come from Islamic regions. Engaging with migrant Muslims requires more than addressing economic needs; it calls for a proactive effort to coexist. Migrant Muslims are not temporary visitors but vital partners in Korea’s future. Recognizing this is crucial for fostering mutual understanding and cooperation.
To achieve this, South Korea must implement policies that promote the stable integration of migrant Muslims. Initiatives in education, cultural exchange, and religious tolerance will enhance communication and help create a more inclusive society. These efforts will not only resolve current challenges but also prepare future generations for peaceful coexistence with Muslim communities. Acknowledging the historical presence and contributions of Muslims in Korea is the first step toward building new relationships based on mutual recognition and coexistence.
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