Introduction
According to the South Korean Ministry of Justice, as of December 2023, over 79,000 Russophone Koreans from post-Soviet countries were residing in the Republic of Korea under the Overseas Korean (F-4 visa) status.1 Including those who have acquired Korean citizenship or hold F-1, F-5, or H-2 visas2, the total exceeds 100,000. Most of these individuals are immigrants from the Central Asian republics, commonly known as ‘Koryŏin’.
Although Russophone Koreans began immigrating to South Korea in the early 1990s, it was not until after 2000 that mass migration, primarily driven by economic reasons, began in earnest. The first communities of Russophone Koreans were established in Seoul, Pusan, Ansan, Inch’ŏn, Kwangju, and other cities. Today, the areas where they reside in South Korea are commonly referred to as ‘Koryŏin Maŭl’, which can be roughly translated as ‘Russophone Korean district or quarter.’
Research into the term Koryŏin Maŭl in scientific works of South Korean researchers revealed that it was originally used to designate areas of compact residence of Russophone Koreans outside South Korea. For instance, Kim Sŭnggŭn describes “Ujŏng Maŭl,” located in Ussuriysk, Primorsky Krai, Russian Federation, in his article as a Koryŏin Maŭl.3 Similarly, Im Yŏngsang and Pak Maya applied this term to a ‘new Koreatown’ in Tashkent.4 This indicates that Koryŏin Maŭl may be a calque of ‘Koreatown,’ a well-established term in academic literature, underscoring that the Koreans residing in these ethnocultural enclaves are part of the Russophone Korean (Koryŏin) community.
Within the context of South Korea, Koryŏin Maŭl appears to have been first utilized to describe a specific phenomenon, namely, the Koryŏin Maŭl in Wŏlgok Neighborhood of Kwangju. In 2014, a non-profit organization called ‘Koryŏin Maŭl’ was registered there5 and progressively evolved into a brand widely recognized across South Korea. It seems that, post-2014, Koryŏin Maŭl became the conventional term for areas with a dense Russophone Koreans population, whose numbers were surging due to changes in South Korea’s policies towards overseas Koreans and shifting economic conditions in the CIS countries.
At the same time, researchers began to refer to the ethnocultural enclave in Kwangju as Koryŏin Maŭl even earlier. For example, Kim Nakyŏng calls it this in her article that explored the Russophone Korean community in Kwangju in 2013.6 Moreover, the case of Kwangju is currently perhaps the most studied, with a vast amount of scientific research dedicated to it.7
Nonetheless, the concept of Koryŏin Maŭl extends beyond simply designating residential areas for Russophone Koreans. It essentially represents a Russian-speaking community formed by Russophone Koreans at their places of residence. After their relocation to Korea, Russophone Koreans maintain their social ties, enabling not only their relatives, but also friends and acquaintances, often including non-Koreans, to migrate to Korea. The prevalence of mixed marriages among Russophone Koreans is also noteworthy.
Therefore, Koryŏin Maŭl should be perceived as a residential district for Russian-speaking migrants from CIS countries, with Russophone Koreans forming its nucleus. This characteristic is what distinguishes Koryŏin Maŭl from other migrant communities from CIS countries residing in South Korea.
Characterized by a strong ethnic presence and a somewhat insular community formed around a common language (Russian), shared cultural practices and ethnic nucleus of Russophone Koreans, Koryŏin Maŭl can be defined as ethnocultural enclaves. An important feature of ethnocultural enclaves is the presence of ethnic businesses, whose success and competitiveness depend on the number of customers from specific ethnic groups. 8 Such businesses are integral to Koryŏin Maŭl.
Ethnocultural enclave is a mode of structural incorporation, providing a pathway for economic mobility that does not require migrants to adopt the majority group’s cultural practices. 9 One of the characteristics of Koryŏin Maŭl is that the population’s knowledge of the receiving country’s language and institutions is generally low. For most Russophone Koreans, Russian is their native language, and even after several years of resettlement in Korea, many of them do not have a sufficient command of the Korean language. In fact, numerous intermediaries, including among the Russophone Koreans, act as mediators between the inhabitants of Koryŏin Maŭl and the official institutions or autochthonous population of the receiving country. They charge for their services and are an important part of the infrastructure of Koryŏin Maŭl.
An equally important characteristic of the ethnocultural enclave is its external manifestations. The daily sights, sounds, and interactions found in the public spaces signal the culture of a particular social group.10 Koryŏin Maŭl exhibits a fusion of Central Asian, Russian, and Koryŏin elements in everyday culture. The district inhabited by Russophone Koreans is distinctly identifiable by its signage, notices, and advertising materials predominantly in the Russian language. Additionally, the pervasive presence of Russian speech throughout this area further accentuates its unique cultural identity.
Despite the fact that Koryŏin Maŭl is a relatively new phenomenon for South Korea, having begun to form in the 2010s, currently, in my opinion, there are already more than a dozen of them, and according to such a South Korean researcher as Im Yŏngsang, nearly 30. 11 This discrepancy in estimates is explained, firstly, by the lack of a clear definition of what can be called a Koryŏin Maŭl, and secondly, by the significant difference in the level of development of local Russophone communities.
Considering the proposed definition of Koryŏin Maŭl as an ethnocultural enclave of Russophone migrants from post-Soviet countries, with Russophone Koreans as its core, appropriate tools can be applied to identify Koryŏin Maŭl. The localization index, employed in socio-geographical studies to pinpoint areas with a significant excess of the average share for a specific group in the country or city – also known as the “double share” method12 – has enabled the detection of concentrated settlements of Russophone Koreans in South Korea. The areas identified in this way were surveyed during the field stage using the methodology of Yu.F. Kelman, which involves grouping all the obtained information into 12 categories with subsequent assessment of their prominence. 13
During the preliminary stage of the research, scientific literature and press reports were reviewed, statistical data analyzed, and preliminary surveys of the presumed locations of ethnocultural enclaves conducted using cartographic services Daum Map and Kakao Map. In the course of the field stage, which was conducted from October 2022 to December 2023, photo and video documentation of the presumed localization sites of Koryŏin Maŭl in the cities of Ansan, Asan, Inch’ŏn, Ch’ŏngju, Kyŏngju, Kimhae, Pusan, Kwangju, Tonghae, Taegu, and Hwasŏng was carried out, along with semi-structured interviews with members of the local Russophone communities. During this stage, the travel route was recorded using the Garmin GPS service. The data thus obtained were processed and analyzed at the final stage.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the emergence and development of Russophone Korean ethnocultural enclaves in South Korea, examining the socio-economic and geographical factors that contribute to their formation. Additionally, the study aims to explore the main problems facing Russophone Korean ethnocultural enclaves and to measure their level of development.
Historical overview of the Emergence of Koryŏin Maŭl
As already noted in the introduction, the very name of the ethnocultural enclaves, whose core consists of Russophone Koreans, appeared not so long ago. However, the phenomenon of forming Russophone communities in South Korea originated much earlier. Already in the 1990s, following the normalization and establishment of official diplomatic relations between South Korea and the countries of the former USSR, citizens of these states, including ethnic Koreans, began to arrive more frequently. Perhaps the foundation for the formation of the first Russophone Korean communities in South Korea was laid by the repatriation of Sakhalin Koreans14, which began in the second half of the 1990s. The possession of real estate and the status of citizens of South Korea greatly facilitated the subsequent relocation of their younger relatives. And the knowledge of the Korean language, which was least lost by the Sakhalin diaspora, not only helped in adapting to the host community but also later allowed them to play the role of intermediaries between the indigenous population, state and private institutions on one hand, and Russophone migrants on the other.
Since the early 2000s, South Korea has increasingly witnessed the arrival of so-called Koryŏ-saram or Koryŏin – descendants of ethnic Koreans who were deported to Central Asia in 1937. Initially, they lacked the right to obtain specific types of visas for overseas nationals (H-2 and F-4), leading many to work illegally. Often, they entered the country on tourist visas, either periodically or permanently. During this time, the Koryŏins’ labor migration was characterized by shuttle and seasonal patterns, with the guest workers typically traveling alone and leaving their families back in their permanent residences. Such conditions made the formation of stable communities, like Koryŏin Maŭl, difficult.
However, the situation began to change after 2007 with the introduction of the H-2 working visa system, which was extended to overseas Koreans from China and CIS countries. This system allowed them to legally work and reside in South Korea for up to 4 years and 10 months.15 Subsequently, in 2012, Russophone Koreans from post-Soviet countries gained access to the F-4 visa for overseas Koreans. It was around this time that cartographic services like Kakao Map and Naver Map started to record the emergence of the first ethnic businesses opened by Russophone Koreans in areas that would later see the development of many Koryŏin Maŭl. The continued increase in migration of Russophone Koreans is linked to the deteriorating economic conditions in the post-Soviet space, and since 2017, to expanded opportunities for these Koreans to stay in South Korea. This expansion extends eligibility beyond those belonging to the so-called first three generations (counted from Korea’s liberation on August 15, 1945) and has been solidified at the legislative level.16
Thus, in the 2010s, changes in South Korean legislation allowed Russophone Koreans to move to South Korea as entire families across several generations, leading to the emergence of a permanent population in communities that would later become the foundation for the formation of Koryŏin Maŭl. An additional factor contributing to this process has been the unstable economic situation in Russia and the former Soviet republics of Central Asia, caused by the Great Recession, the consequences of Western sanctions against Russia, and internal factors. The growing Russophone population, with its specific dietary habits and domestic culture, created a favorable environment for the growth of ethnic businesses. It was after 2012 that the cafes and stores aimed at meeting their needs began to appear in future Koryŏin Maŭls. The growth of specific infrastructure, in turn, attracted an increasing number of Russophone migrants to the growing ethnocultural enclave, not all of whom are necessarily ethnic Koreans.
Geographical distribution of Koryŏin Maŭl in South Korea
Russophone Koreans, who form the core of Koryŏin Maŭl, reside in South Korea under various legal statuses. These include individuals who have obtained South Korean citizenship or residency, those married to South Korean citizens, as well as holders of the overseas Korean visa (F-4), the working visit visa (H-2), and the visiting/joining family visa (F-1). Additionally, there are some residing in the country illegally. According to data from the Ministry of Justice, the most numerous group among these are the holders of the overseas Korean visa (F-4). This visa allows ethnic Koreans, who are not South Korean citizens, to live in the country for an almost unlimited period of time. As of the end of December 2023, there were 79,241 citizens from former USSR countries holding this status in South Korea.
As shown in Table 1, more than half of the Russophone Koreans with F-4 visa status (42,679 individuals, 53.91%) reside in the capital region, comprising Kyŏnggi Province, Seoul Special City, and Inch’ŏn Metropolitan City. In the Central-Western part of South Korea, specifically in North and South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provinces, another significant group exists (18,437 people, 23.29%). A considerable number also live in the Southeastern part, including North and South Kyŏngsang Provinces and the metropolitan cities of Taegu, Pusan, and Ulsan. Apart from these regions and the city of Kwangju (3,912 people, 4.94%), the presence of Russophone Koreans in other parts of South Korea is relatively small.18
Interestingly, the settlement pattern of Russophone Koreans does not replicate the distribution of ethnic Koreans from China who have the same type of visa. The majority of the latter group resides in the capital region, accounting for 82.84%, while only 7.83% and 6.12% live in the Central-Western and South-Eastern parts of South Korea, respectively. In contrast, Vietnamese residents are more evenly distributed across the country. According to statistical data, the majority of Vietnamese live in the South-Eastern part (45%), with only a third favoring the capital region.19 The differences in settlement patterns across South Korea likely stem from various factors, with employment opportunities playing a crucial role. For example, according to a study conducted in North Kyŏngsang Province, the majority of Russophone Koreans (87.3%) are factory workers, whereas among ethnic Koreans from China, this number is about 60%.20 Russophone Koreans generally do not work in agriculture (around 1%), while according to another research, the number of Vietnamese engaged in this sector is about 10%. Vietnamese also work almost twice as often in trade, the food industry, and the hospitality sector (11% compared to 6%).21 Thus, the majority of Russophone
Koreans are factory workers, which explains their concentration in areas located near large industrial zones. However, within individual cities and provinces, identifying areas with a significant concentration of Russophone Koreans is not always straightforward. In major cities like Seoul, the capital of South Korea, and Pusan, often referred to as the ‘sea gateway of South Korea’, there is no urban district where the number of Russophone Koreans (holding F-4 visas) exceeds 500 people or constitutes a significant proportion of the local population. In contrast, in Taegu, the third-largest city in South Korea, the majority of F-4 visa holders are concentrated in Talsŏng County (1,170 people), while in Kwangju, they are primarily found in the Kwangsan District (3,853 people). A careful analysis of statistical data reveals several municipalities in South Korea where a significant presence of Russophone Koreans indicates the potential for the emergence of Koryŏin Maŭl. For instance, the nationwide share of Russophone F-4 visa holders is about 0.15% (as of December 2023). In the city of Inch’ŏn, this share reaches 0.34%, effectively doubling the national average. Within Inch’ŏn’s Yŏnsu District, the share sky-rockets to 1.94%.22 Such marked increases suggest that conditions favorable for the formation of an ethnocultural enclave may be emerging. Furthermore, in certain areas, the proportion of the Russophone population reaches double digits.
In contrast, in the Chinch’ŏn County of North Ch’ungch’ŏng province, 1,215 Russophone Koreans (F-4) are registered, which roughly corresponds to the level of the Talsŏng County in Taegu city. The localization index here is 1.41%, which should indicate the presence of preliminary conditions for the formation of a Koryŏin Maŭl. However, if we look at the geographical distribution of ethnic businesses across the county, a geographical dispersal of their client base throughout the county becomes noticeable, along with the absence of a quarter where the number of Russophone migrants would reach a significant number necessary for forming a stable community.
The field research conducted after analyzing the statistical data corroborated the initial findings and the hypothesis that areas with a high concentration of Russophone Koreans create a robust customer base for ethnic businesses. This, in turn, attracts more Russophone migrants to these areas, facilitating the growth of emerging ethnocultural enclaves.
As a result of this study, the largest ethnocultural enclaves of Koryŏin Maŭl were identified in the Wŏngok and Sŏnbu Neighborhoods of Ansan City (Figure 1, no. 2); in the Yŏnsu-1 Neighborhood of Inch’ŏn Metropolitan City (Figure 1, no. 1), in the Shinch’ang Township (Figure 1, no. 6) and Tunp’o Township (Figure 1, no. 5) of Asan City, in the Taedŏk Township of Ansŏn City (Figure 1, no. 4); Hyangnam Township of Hwasŏng City (Figure 1, no. 3); at the junction of Pongmyŏng-1 and Sachang Neighborhoods in Chŏngju City (Figure 1, no. 7); in the Wŏlgok-1 and Wolgok-2 Neighborhoods of Kwangju City (Figure 1, no. 11); in the Talsŏng County of Taegu Metropolitan City (Figure 1, no. 9); in the Sŏnggon Neighborhood of Kyŏngju City (Figure 1, no. 8); and in the Jinyŏng Township of Kimhae City (Figure 1, no. 10).
Small communities of Russophone Koreans, as well as related ethnic businesses, exist in many other cities and counties in South Korea. However, the degree of concentration of the Russophone population and the level of development of local communities do not yet allow classifying them as full-fledged ethnocultural enclaves.
At the same time, the level of development of specific infrastructure and the community itself within Koryŏin Maŭl across South Korea varies. Analysis of the data has led to the division of Koryŏin Maŭl into two groups: established and developing. Included in the first category are Koryŏin Maŭl in Kwangju, Inch’ŏn, and Ansan. These ethnocultural enclaves display between 11 to 12 external characteristics as proposed by Yu.F. Kelman24, and their development level, according to her classification, can be defined as an ‘oasis’. This stage is characterized by group domination, continued immigration, and the presence of ethnic businesses. The second group includes all other Koryŏin Maŭl, whose levels of development range from ‘threshold’ – marked by exceeding the group concentration threshold in a given area, but lacking a specific image, architecture, and institutions – to ‘greenhouse’, which features developed ethnic infrastructure and an active local community according to Yu.F. Kelman’s classification.25
The phenomenon of so-called Russian streets deserves a separate mention. Perhaps the most typical example is Tonghae City (Kangwon Province), where the Russian street formed between the port and the train station in the early 2000s following the arrival of numerous ships loaded with Russian crab, serving the basic needs of Russophone crews. By the end of the 2000s, there were about two dozen cafes, bars, and shops. However, after the tightening of crab import conditions in South Korea in 2013, the number of ship arrivals began to rapidly decrease. The absence of a permanent population to support the ethnic businesses that could become a point of attraction for Russophone migrants did not allow the Russian street in Tonghae to survive. Therefore, 10 years later, in July 2023, when this study was conducted, there were only four establishments for Russophones, and the total number of F-4 visa holders in the city was only 50 people (a share of 0.056%).26 The Russian streets are also located in the Pusan Station area and near the Tongdaemun Station in Seoul. Thus, Russian streets are difficult to associate with an ethnocultural enclave even despite the presence of ethnic businesses due to the lack of a permanently residing Russophone population.
Common Features of Koryŏin Maŭl
Since October 2022, when the field stage of this research began, all the ethnocultural enclaves listed above (Figure 1) have been repeatedly visited, allowing for the accumulation of sufficient material. Through the analysis of this material, common features characteristic of most Koryŏin Maŭl have been identified.
Undoubtedly, the most important common feature of all Koryŏin Maŭl is the significant number of Russophone Koreans living in a specific area. Although it is very difficult to ascertain their exact number from official data due to differences in residency status, citizenship, and historical background, in all the Koryŏin Maŭl studied, there is a notable number of Russophone Koreans who are holders of the F-4 visa, which I described earlier.
Other Significant factors for the emergence of any ethnocultural enclave at the initial stage of its development are the availability of affordable rental housing and jobs. This is why Koryŏin Maŭl are located in districts of South Korean cities that are predominantly built up with so-called “villas” (Figure 2) – low-rise buildings that contain several 1–2 bedroom apartments and are owned by a single landlord, as opposed to “apartments” (high-rise apartment buildings) where each unit has its own owner. The cost of rent in these is usually not very high and is paid monthly. Such housing is often rented by students and labor migrants who do not have sufficient funds to pay a large deposit required for renting more comfortable and prestigious housing in high-rise residential complexes. The preference for this type of housing by Russophone Koreans has been noted in several studies since the early stages of their resettlement. For example, in a study conducted in the metropolitan area in 2008, the overwhelming majority of respondents lived in this type of rental housing.27 According to a study conducted in the early 2020s in North Kyŏngsang Province, nearly 90% of surveyed Russophone Koreans lived in “villas,” while the remaining 10% lived in “apartments.”28
Notably, Koryŏin Maŭl in Kyŏngju, Ch’ŏngju, Ansŏng, and Asan (Shinch’ang Township) are located in close proximity to university campuses. In fact, Russophone Koreans have settled in quarters where cheap rental housing was previously offered to students of these universities. In other cities, a large part of the commercial and socio-cultural infrastructure of the ethnocultural enclaves is also concentrated in areas of low-rise buildings, where affordable rental housing is located.
The presence of specific job opportunities is also a common feature and an important factor in forming an ethnocultural enclave. The majority of Koryŏin Maŭl residents typically have a very low level of Korean language proficiency even several years after moving to South Korea. This significantly narrows their opportunities in the South Korean labor market. However, in areas with large industrial zones or major agricultural enterprises, there is a high demand for unskilled or lowskilled workers for whom a good knowledge of the Korean language is not mandatory. Therefore, all Koryŏin Maŭl are located near such industrial or agricultural zones. It is also interesting to note that the commercial infrastructure of Koryŏin Maŭl often forms around the work cycle of labor migrants. Shops and cafes are located in places from where the hired workers depart and to where they return after work. Furthermore, so-called “samishil” or “birzha”30 - employment agencies through which most workers find their temporary jobs - occupy an important place in any Koryŏin Maŭl.
Another important characteristic of the placement of Koryŏin Maŭl in urban spaces is their quite distinct boundaries, formed by residential development as well as terrain features. As mentioned earlier, the main infrastructure of Koryŏin Maŭl is located in quarters of so-called “villas,” surrounded by other types of development (residential complexes, industrial enterprises, university campuses, business districts, etc.) or agricultural lands. For example, the boundaries of Koryŏin Maŭl in the Shinch’ang Township of Asan city are formed by the landscape, agricultural lands, highways, and a university campus (Figure 3). This study suggests that specific factors influence the formation and sustainability of ethnocultural enclaves, highlighting the importance of economic, social, and policy environments in shaping these communities.
An important indication of the presence of a large number of Russophone residents in the location of Koryŏin Maŭl is the abundance of informational posters and announcements in Russian, through which the local residents and authorities ‘conduct a dialogue’ with the Russophone community. These signs and posters can be conditionally divided into three major types: informational, advertising, and communicative.
The first type is the most widespread and consists of informational announcements written on behalf of authorities, commercial and public organizations, or directly by the indigenous residents. The most common household issue in Koryŏin Maŭl is improper waste disposal, which is the subject of the majority of the announcements. Banners informing about the inadmissibility of illegal activities and violations of public behavior rules are also common. Informational announcements are typically written in several foreign languages (Figure 4), often reflecting the multiculturalism of the area where Koryŏin Maŭl is located.
Advertising signs are used by various commercial organizations to attract customers, placing them in close proximity to the enterprise. As for the communicative ones, they often call for good neighborliness or congratulate on significant dates and holidays.
Another common feature of all Koryŏin Maŭl is the presence of ethnic businesses – cafes, shops, and other entertainment venues, as well as various commercial companies providing services to the Russophone population of the enclave. As labor migrants are forced to live in a language bubble, for any interactions with the indigenous population or state institutions, they have to turn to intermediaries – translators, lawyers, etc. However, perhaps the most notable feature of the local commercial infrastructure is the prevalent format of the bakery shop, as bakery products hold an important place in the daily diet of residents from the post-Soviet space (Figure 5). Additionally, in the last few years, with the increase in the number of Russophone migrants in South Korea, a distinct market for specific dairy (kefir, cottage cheese), meat (sausages, bacon), and fish (smoked and salted fish) products has emerged, which is being satisfied through both imports and domestic production within South Korea. For example, ‘Royal Food’ company has been producing different food products in South Korea since 2019 and has already begun to promote them not only through stores in ethnocultural enclaves but also on Korean online platforms like ‘Coopang’. It’s production facilities are located near the Koryŏin Maŭl in the Jinyŏng Township of Kimhae City. The main investor and all the directors of this company, as well as a significant portion of the employees, are migrants from the countries of the former USSR. Unfortunately, there are not many studies that thoroughly examine the size of the entrepreneurial stratum among Russophone return migrants, and this level varies significantly from region to region. In the recent study of Russophone Koreans in North Kyŏngsang Province, it is noted that while only 5.4% of them are engaged in business, private and public services, while the overall figure for South Korea is 14.6%.34 It is important to note that entrepreneurs, being the most active segment of the migrant community, also actively participate in and provide financial support to the largest and most organized community of Russian-speaking Koreans in South Korea, the Koryo-saram Association of the Republic of Korea.
Unfortunately, shared challenges are common among the Koryŏin Maŭl, with a significant issue being the unpreparedness of the South Korean education system to accommodate the growing influx of foreign and non-Korean-speaking children. This challenge is increasingly evident as more families relocate to South Korea. Under South Korean law, school education is universal and free, with children attending schools based on their residence registration. As a result, in elementary schools located within Koryŏin Maŭl, the proportion of Russophone students is rising. For example, by the end of 2022, Russophone students made up the majority in several schools, with 173 out of 240 pupils at Kwangdŏk Elementary School in Taedŏk Township, Ansŏn35. Similar trends are seen at Hŭngmu Elementary School in Kyŏngju, Pongmyŏng Elementary School in Chŏngju, Shinch’ang Elementary School in Asan, and Munnam and Hambak Elementary Schools in Inch’ŏn. The number of Russophone students continues to increase in other elementary schools near Koryŏin Maŭl as the Russophone migrant population grows.
Parents enroll their children in local educational institutions hoping they will quickly master the Korean language and integrate into South Korean society. However, only those children who are just beginning their education have this opportunity, as they essentially start acquiring basic reading and writing skills, as well as learning specific educational vocabulary alongside their South Korean peers. The rest of the Russophone pupils find themselves in a situation where they are unable to learn the Korean language at an adequate level and do not advance in basic subjects such as mathematics or science. As a result, children lose interest in studying, and in some cases, completely refuse to continue their education or begin to show aggression towards peers and teachers (according to reports presented at a seminar held on February 14, 2023, at Sonmun University in Asan).36
The problem of teaching adults the Korean language and culture is acute. The problem of teaching adults the Korean language and culture is equally acute because they often work 10–12 hours a day with long commutes, leaving them drained and unable to pursue additional education, which is unfortunately very typical in the South Korean labor regime, and the number of specialized institutions is also small and tends to decrease. Not knowing the language of the host community makes integration impossible for labor migrants and also reduces their competitiveness in the South Korean labor market. Ignorance of the culture often leads to conflicts with the indigenous residents. A case in point is the issue of garbage disposal, which is so acute that informational announcements about it were the ones encountered most frequently.
Thus, a pressing common problem for all Koryŏin Maŭl in South Korea is the issue of providing basic school education for Russophone children and language education for adults. It is partially addressed by the creation of private educational institutions. However, so-called ‘Russian schools’ do not have the right to issue state-standard education documents, as they are effectively classified as institutions of additional education. It should also be noted that the high concentration of Russophone pupils negatively affects the education of South Korean children, as teachers are forced to spend a lot of effort and energy on teaching foreigners who are unable to absorb knowledge in Korean.
Conclusion
Based on the conducted research, the following conclusions have been reached:
1. Koryŏin Maŭl in South Korea are referred to as places of compact residence of Russophone Koreans from post-Soviet countries. However, they should be understood more broadly as districts of compact residence of people from post-Soviet countries, with Russophone Koreans being their core. Koryŏin Maŭl possess all the main characteristics of an ethnocultural enclave. They are built on the commonality of language (Russian) and everyday cultural practices common to the post-Soviet countries, with a significant influence of Central-Asian, East Slavic, and Koryŏin cuisine. An important element of Koryŏin Maŭl are ethnic businesses, whose success and competitiveness depend on the customer base formed by the Koryŏin Maŭl.
2. The formation of the Koryŏin Maŭl phenomenon began in the 2010s, driven by two key factors: changes in South Korean legislation regarding overseas Koreans and the unstable economic situation in Russia and the former Soviet republics of Central Asia (caused by the Great Recession, the consequences of Western sanctions against Russia, and internal factors). Consequently, Russophone Koreans began relocating to South Korea in large family groups spanning multiple generations. Their limited proficiency in the Korean language and unfamiliarity with the local way of life led them to settle within several principal ethnocultural enclaves, which collectively came to be known as Koryŏin Maŭl.
3. All Koryŏin Maŭl exhibit several shared features: (a) a large number of Russophone migrants, predominantly Russophone Koreans, reside in these areas; (b) they are typically located in neighborhoods with affordable rental housing and are close to major industrial zones or agricultural lands; (c) they have distinct boundaries defined by both the natural landscape and urban residential development; (d) signs, informational, and advertising materials prominently feature the Russian language; (e) the presence of ethnic businesses, such as grocery stores, bakeries, and food service establishments offering specific products and dishes, along with other commercial and social infrastructure catering to the needs of the ethnocultural enclave; (f) a high percentage of Russophone children in local elementary schools.
4. Koryŏin Maŭl in South Korea exhibit varying levels of development. The ethnocultural enclaves in the cities of Inch’ŏn, Kwangju, and Ansan are well-established and align with the development stage defined by Yu.F. Kelman as an ‘oasis.’ This stage is characterized by the dominance of a specific population group, ongoing migration, and a developed commercial, cultural, and everyday infrastructure serving this group. All other Koryŏin Maŭl in South Korea are in the development stage, gradually transitioning from the ‘threshold’ to the ‘greenhouse.’ This transition involves moving from exceeding the proportion of the ethnocultural group in the population to enhancing ethnic infrastructure, business, and cultural spheres.
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