Introduction
The existence of inscribed wooden tablets (Mokkan, 木简) in Korea was first confirmed from the excavation of Anapji, but full-fledged research on wooden tablets began with the unearthing of wooden tablets from Sǒngsan Fortress in Haman. Since then, Kaya National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage has held an international academic conference, compiled information on wooden tablets from ancient Korea and published Han’gugǔi Kodae Mokkan (Wooden Tablets of Ancient Korea) and Han’guk Mokkan Chajǒn (Collection of Korean Wooden Tablets),1 and finally founded a research center for wooden tablets. Currently, over 600 wooden tablets have been discovered at Sǒngsan Fortress, accounting for nearly half of all wooden tablets from ancient Korea that have been discovered until today. Moreover, since Sǒngsan Fortress became the largest treasure trove of Hach’al Mokkan (wooden tablets used as labels) from the Silla dynasty, wooden tablets from the fortress have now become an important resource for the understanding of Silla in the sixth and seventh century, known as the Mid-Ancient Period.
Sǒngsan Fortress in Haman is located at the apex of Chonam Mountain, which stands 139 meters tall across Kwangjǒng-ri and Koehang-ri in Kaya-ǔp, Haman-gun, South Kyǒngsang Province. Large-scale ancient tumuli of Ara Kaya leaders, such as the Marisan Tumuli, Nammunoe Tumuli, and Magapch’ong, are located within the three-kilometer radius of Sǒngsan Fortress, and as a result this area is presumed to be a major political and military base of Ara Kaya.2 From 1991 to 2016, there have been a total of 17 excavations led by the Kaya National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage at Sǒngsan Fortress. Of all the sections of the fortress, the East Fortress Wall (tongsǒngbyǒk) section was the deepest and most vulnerable to collapse, as it was built in the deep valley of Chonam Mountain. To protect themselves against geographical vulnerabilities, people of Silla built a drainage system with various drainage facilities and stone-filled drains, using a traditional construction technique that involved convering the ground with dried grass and leaves and stamping the soil to make the foundation firm.3
Wooden tablets uncovered at Sǒngsan Fortress were intentionally interred together at the place where the “leaf-paved” layer (created with the above construction method) was laid to reinforce the East Fortress Wall. Around 1992, two tablets were discovered in the leaf-paved layer near Tongmunji. Afterward, a total of 314 wooden tablets were discovered in the same place, as well as in the reservoir located west of the East Fortress Wall. Inscriptions made with ink had been left intact on 255 of them.4
Studies on wooden tablets excavated at Sǒngsan Fortress began when 27 wooden tablets were showcased in 1998,5 and an international academic conference with the theme of “The contents and characteristics of wooden tablets excavated from Sǒngsan Fortress in Haman” was held in November 1999.6 As the excavation of Sǒngsan Fortress continued, the discovery of wooden tablets increased dramatically, and related research became increasingly intensified and diverse. Several scholars have summarized the history of research on wooden tablets and explored the trends and issues surrounding research on these wooden tablets that were pertinent at the time, but it seems that the same issues and challenges remain valid to this day.7
Some time has passed since the last study on the history of research on wooden tablets was published, and in the meantime, studies on wooden tablets have expanded in other disciplines, including history, Korean language, and archaeology as well. In addition, the Kaya National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage revealed 23 additional wooden tablets that were discovered in the 17th excavation of Sǒngsan Fortress and is also planning to publish Han’gugŭi Kodaemokkan II: Haman Sŏngsansansŏng (Wooden Tablets of Ancient Korea Vol. 2: Sǒngsan Fortress in Haman) (tentative title), which comprehensively analyzes and compiles all wooden tablets discovered at Sǒngsan Fortress up to 2017.8 The publication of a book that contains information on all the wooden tablets excavated at Sǒngsan Fortress, as well as the official report on the last 23 tablets excavated most recently, could provide an opportunity for another surge in related research on Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets. Therefore, while we wait for more studies on Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets, I believe it is necessary and meaningful to provide an overview of the history of research on wooden tablets to date.
Past and Present Research on Wooden Tablets Excavated from Sǒngsan Fortress in Haman
In the early phase of research on wooden tablets discovered at Sǒngsan Fortress, most scholars focused on the external features, such as the form and shape, period of production, use, and the origin of production. After a general consensus on these aspects was reached, scholars began to concentrate on the information contained in the inscriptions, and their interests broadened our understanding of Silla society in the Mid-Ancient Period, particularly concerning the tax collection system, the structure of familial relationships, and the regional government system. In line with the changes in the focus of research on wooden tablets, in this section I hope to trace past research history, starting with studies that explore the external features to the ones that examine the contents of the wooden tablets.
The time frame in which Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets were produced is generally understood to be the mid-sixth century, around 561.9 There are two main reasons for this conjecture. First, this was the period in which Ara Kaya became part of Silla. Around this time, Silla incorporated Ara Kaya into its kingdom, according to the record from the 22nd year of reign of Emperor Kinmei (561) in the Nihon shōki (The Chronicles of Japan): “Silla built a fortress on P’asa Mountain in Ara.”10 Since Sǒngsan Fortress was built by Silla, scholars generally link the time of its construction to the time Ara Kaya became part of Silla.
Second, local official ranks (oewi, 外位) inscribed on the wooden tablets from Sǒngsan Fortress seem to follow the changes in Silla’s official ranks around the mid-sixth century as well. The use of “kanji (干支)” as in “sangkanji (上干支)” to mark a particular local official rank, found on the wooden tablets from Sǒngsan Fortress, began to change around 561, when the stele to Ch’angnyǒng (Ch’angnyǒngbi) was built, as the last syllable “ji (支)” was dropped to mark the same official rank. Then in 591, the use of “kanji” disappeared completely, as seen on the steles of Namsan Sinsǒng Fortress. Another local official rank, “kŭppŏlch’ŏk (及伐尺 or 急伐尺),” which was considered to be the lowest ranking office, only appeared on Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets,11 but recently one scholar proposes that “kŏbŏlch’ŏk (居伐尺)” from the Silla stone momunent in Pongp’yŏng, Uljin, erected in 524 seemed to be a different notation for “kŭppŏlch’ŏk.” According to this theory, the official rank of kŭppŏlch’ŏk disappeared between the reigns of King Chinhŭng and King Chinp’yŏng, as the rank does not appear on the steles of Namsan Sinsǒng Fortress erected in 591, which is known to contain the most amount of information on Silla’s official ranks.12
Recently, however, another scholar speculates that the foundation for Sǒngsan Fortress was first laid in the mid-seventh century, based on the wooden tablets and a small bowl excavated from the leaf-paved layer of the fortress.13 Other scholars have also stated their views on the time frame of the establishment of the Sǒngsan Fortress, some claiming that the foundation for the fortress was laid in the mid-sixth century based on the evidence found in the leaf-paved layer, the first pit dwelling site within the fortress, and earthenware excavated from stone-filled drains, while arguing that the reconstruction of the East Fortress Wall, where the leaf-paved layer was laid, began in the early seventh century.14 Although these archaeological theories differ on the time frame of when the foundation for the fortress was first laid, they agree on the fact that the wooden tablets excavated from the leaf-paved layer were produced in the early seventh century at the latest. Moreover, another scholar calculates the “Imja year (壬子年)” mentioned on the recently-released tablet No. 22 from the 17th excavation of Sǒngsan Fortress as the year 592, based on the above theories deduced from the small bowl discovered in stone-filled drains. The same scholar speculates that the Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets were created for the establishment of a fortress and reservoir and the increase of military power in order to prepare for the possible Japanese invasion after the Battle of Amaksǒng in 602.15
Yet, another scholar presents a counterargument. He argues that the shape and form of small bowls like the one found in the drain did not change much to provide the grounds for deducing specific chronology,16 and a large number of wooden tablets had already been buried to strengthen the ground beneath the fortress walls as part of the foundation for the East Fortress Wall.17 Regarding the inscription on wooden tablet No. 21 from the seventeenth excavation of Sǒngsan Fortress (17-No. 21), the Chinese characters found on the tablet were assumed to be “王子寧” when it was first revealed earlier this year, but soon others objected, claiming it was “壬子年.” The latter gained more strength through an analysis of the inscriptions performed using the Japanese computer program for decoding calligraphy on wooden tablets.18 If the characters are confirmed to be “壬子年,” this tablet would be the first one with the mention of a year in the sexagenary cycle. It certainly is a notable perspective, but as seen in the case of the Chungsǒngni stele, the mention of a year in the sexagenary cycle does provide the grounds for confirming the period in which the wooden tablets were created. Moreover, it diverges from the general format of other wooden tablets from Sǒngsan Fortress, which means that it is possible for those characters to be part of a place name, and it is also possible that the writings on these tablets were not necessarily created in the imja year. Therefore, it would be of great importance to take these theories into consideration and review the format and other external aspects related to 17-No. 21. In addition, as mentioned above, 17-No. 21 exhibits characteristics specific to the mid-sixth century, which requires a more studied approach for the analysis of the inscriptions in the future.
Concerning the use of wooden tablets, in the early research phase, the characters “稗,” “稗一,” and “稗石” written on the tablets were considered to be a different notation for “彼日 (p’iil),” the tenth rank in the Silla dynasty’s local official rank system. As a result, they were considered to be nameplates used to keep record of the people who participated in the construction of the fortress.19 However, soon another theory was proposed, arguing that these wooden tablets were labels attached to the items offered to the king, since the content and format of the tablets seemed to resemble Japan’s labels (J. nifuda, 荷札), and the “稗” on the tablets could be read as p’i, or millet.20 This theory has gained a lot of support. Others further speculate that the tablets included both labels and nameplates, depending on their content and format.21
The use of these wooden tablets became clear as more and more of them were discovered. Most of the Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets contained the following information in this order: place name, person’s name, item, and number of items. At times, the name and number of items were excluded.22 On the bottom, the tablets were marked with a hole or a v-shaped groove, and some still had twine attached. Considering the form and the format of the content of the tablets, it seems that most of the Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets were labels, with the exception of a few that could be categorized as some form of a document or other records.23
The place names on these wooden tablets, such as Kuribǒl, Kot’a, Kŭppǒlsǒng, and Kammunsǒng, were regions under the jurisdiction of Sangju according to the “Chiriji (Treatise on geography, 地理志)” in the Samguksagi (History of The Three Kingdoms, 三國史記), or the pres ent-day northern region of North Kyǒngsang Province. As this region was located along the Nakdong River system, the place names confirmed that Silla administered or governed the areas that used to be part of Old Kaya and also collected taxes from those regions through the waterways of the Nakdong River and brought them together at Haman.24
There also have been two diverging opinions regarding the chracateristics of ch’on (villages, 村) even prior to the discovery of wooden tablets at Sǒngsan Fortress, with some claiming that they were “natural villages” (chayŏnch’on), which were spontaneously formed settlements, while others argued that they were “administrative villages” (haengjŏngch’on), formed by the government for administrative purposes. The discovery of the Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets reignited this debate over the characteristic and structure of the villages, as multiple place names, such as “Kuribŏl-Sangsamjach’on” and “Kot’a-Milch’on” were found on a single tablet.25 In addition, these labels with village names made it possible to confirm that natural villages were the basic unit of tax collection in the sixth century.
A closer look at the place names on wooden tablets also reveals that some tablets contained the words “ponp’a (本波),” “ana (阿那),” “malna (末那),” and “chŏnna (前那),” which were mostly found between the name of a natural village and a person’s name, as in “古阤伊骨利村阿那奐智卜利古支/稗發” (Chajǒn-No. 28), or between an administrative village name and a natural village name, as in “鄒文前那牟只村/伊[利]習” (Chajǒn-No. 177). The first time the above words were discovered, scholars debated whether to understand them as spatial concepts or as official titles. In the case of spatial concepts, people focused on the meaning of the character “本” from “ponp’a (本波)” and speculated that these were the names of villages or regions before they became administrative villages, and “ana (阿那)” were understood as settlements located in the riverside plains.26 Others took note of the words “sent millet (稗發)” on Chajǒn- No. 28 and hypothesized that the words “ponp’a (本波)” and “ana (阿那)” referred to the person in charge of transporting grains.27 Then, “chǒnna (前那)” was found on the later discovery Chajǒn-No. 177, which strengthened the theory that these words were spatial concepts. According to this theory, the words “ponp’a (本波),” “ana (阿那),” “malna (末那),” and “chŏnna (前那)” appeared with place names on the wooden tablets, and therefore indicated directions. Specifically, they were believed to be equivalent to the cardinal points of direction used in Koguryŏ and Paekche: “chŏnna (前那)” was south; “malna (末那),” north; “ana (阿那),” west; and “ponp’a (本波),” center. And the corresponding regions were understood as places with advanced government administration, created in the process of expansion and structural stratification of settlements.28
In the early phase of research, scholars also believed that the wooden tablets were created at Sǒngsan Fortress, since they were assumed to be nameplates.29 However, the general consensus today is that they were created in the first of the two area names marked on the tablets, such as Kuribŏl (仇利伐), Kot’a (古阤), or Kubŏl (仇伐). There are varying opinions regarding the level of production, depending on the perspectives on the structure of villages. Through an analysis of the format and handwriting on the tablets, some who believe that villages were created for administrative purposes propose that multiple scribes on the kun (county, 郡) level filled out the wooden tablets.30 Prior to this theory, other scholars who believed in spontaneously formed natural villages had suggested that the tablets were created on the administrative village level, as the format and form of the tablets displayed distinct local characteristics.31 Recently, others have expanded on this theory and, focusing on natural villages as the basic unit of tax collection, assert that the wooden tablets were also created on the natural village level.32
Local official ranks and the term “noin (奴人)” were two characteristics found on the wooden tablets in relation to people’s names. The types of official ranks and their understanding were discussed earlier in this paper, related to the production period of wooden tablets, and therefore will not be discussed further in this section. Instead, I would like to examine the use of the term “noin.” On Sǒngsan Fortress wooden tablets, “noin” often appeared between the names of people, usually in the following format: “place name, person A, noin 奴(人), person B, pu (負).” Various speculations have been made regarding the status and role of noin.
Prior to the excavation of wooden tablets at Sŏngsan Fortress, the existence of “noin” and “noinbŏp (奴人法, noin law)” were confirmed by the Silla stone momunent in Pongp’yŏng, Uljin, and spurred research to clarify the nature of the terms. Although there were differences in terms of the specifics, generally noin were understood to be the people of border regions that were incorporated into Silla, whose positions were inferior to those of the people of Silla. In this context, an earlier study, which deciphered the term noin from the inscriptions on the Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablets, read the last character on Chajŏn-No. 26 as “塩 (salt)” and construed that the inscription on the wooden tablet was “□tŏkji ilbŏl, residing in Kuribŏl, is a noin; offered salt to the throne.” This interpretation of the inscription was premised on the following understanding: 1) noin were a group of subjugated people; 2) □tŏkji was the head of a noin village with the official position of ilbŏl (一伐); and 3) this noin village sent salt to the throne.33
The discovery of additional wooden tablets with the inscription noin enabled further discussions regarding the specific status, position, and role of noin. In this process, the character “負 (pu)” came to particular attention, as it commonly appeared after the term noin and a person’s name. One scholar proposes that it signified “goods,” referring to items set apart to be moved or sent to a different place,34 but a more common interpretation is that it was a verb, referring to a transportation method, meaning “carried on the back.”35
However, the excavation of Chajŏn-No. 219 provides a new understanding of “負 (pu).” The inscription on the back side of Chajŏn-No. 219 was read as “此負刀寧負盜人有,” meaning “these goods (負) are the young master’s goods (負); it had been stolen,” and reinforced the idea that “pu” was a noun, referring to “goods.” This discovery has also led to the understanding that the character “發 (pal),” which was used in a similar manner as “負 (pu),” was interchangeable with pu. Pal was considered to be the idu notation of “pari,” a type of goods collected as tax.36
With the increase in the number of additional wooden tablets, the discussion on noin has evolved as well. Since the term noin appeared between the names of people, opinions vary regarding whether to apply the term to the first person (A) or the second person (B). The general understanding seems to be that it is attached to person B, meaning “A’s noin B.”37 Regarding the status of noin, some argue that they were groups of people subjugated by Silla,38 based on the concept of noin and noin village mentioned on the Silla stone momunent in Pongp’yŏng, Uljin; others speculate that they were subjugated people who were in the process of becoming freemen under a voluntary servitude system39; still others hypothesize that they were commoners engaged in menial labor (shillyang yŏkch’on, 身良役賤). 40 Currently, the general understanding of noin seems to be that the term refers to private slaves, considering the format of inscriptions: “A’s noin B.”41 However, there are differences in opinions regarding the role of noin even among those who believed that noin were private slaves. Some argue that private slaves were not taxed and therefore interpret “負 (pu)” as “carried on the back,” so that the inscription described a private slave transporting the taxes of his owner.42 Others argue that, as in ancient China, private slaves were also taxed in Silla, and interpret “負 (pu)” as “goods” the slaves were paying as taxes.43
All mentions of noin on wooden tablets from Sŏngsan Fortress were found with the place name “Kuribŏl (仇利伐).” Emphasizing the presence of noin, some speculate that Kuribŏl was a noin village.44 However, as the names on wooden tablets include those who were not noin, the general consensus seems to be that noin resided in the same village as commoners. 45 In light of new studies on noin, now scholars are redefining the characteristics of noin and noin villages in consideration of both the wooden tablets and the Silla stone momunent in Pongp’yŏng.46
In this section, I have reviewed and summarized the studies that discuss the time period in which the Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablets were created, their use, as well as place names, official ranks, noin and other inscriptions marked on the wooden tablets. This study focuses particularly on the research papers published after the last study that summarizes the history of research on the Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablets was compiled. Unfortunately, it is not possible in this paper to discuss a few other topics, and detailed descriptions and differences in perspectives can be found in previously published studies on the history of research on Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablets. The research introduced in this section of the study were mainly focused on labels, which accounted for most of the wooden tablets found at Sŏngsan Fortress. In the following section, I would like to discuss the wooden tablet documents (munsŏ mokkan).
Information on Laws and the Labor Mobilization System Gleaned from Wooden Tablet Documents
Research on wooden tablets excavated from Sŏngsan Fortress has been focused on wooden tablet labels (hach’al mokkan), which account for an overwhelming majority. The heightened interest and research on the labels seem natural, considering the extensive number of the tablets and information contained in them. Other wooden tablets, such as wooden tablet documents (munsŏ mokkan) have been neglected by comparison. A few recent studies, however, examine and discuss these non-label tablets. One paper examines Chajŏn-No. 218 and finds it to be a note attached to a liquor jar, which could offer insight into the daily lives of the people at the time. In addition, three four-sided wooden tablets were discovered: Chajŏn-No. 127, Chajŏn-No. 221, and Chajŏn-No. 223. Among them, Chajŏn-No. 127 was presumed to be a document that recorded the number of laborers taken from each village for the construction of the fortress as well as the increase and decrease of their numbers.47 Inscriptions made in ink were found on all four sides of Chajŏn-No. 221 and Chajŏn-No. 223, and as a result the two wooden tablets were believed to be document tablets. With the resources released to date, the inscriptions have been difficult to decipher. But recently, a new study was published, offering a new way to decipher and interpret the inscriptions on Chajŏn-No. 221 from the perspective of Korean literature, spurring a new perspective and discussion.48
In addition, one four-sided wooden tablet was included in the wooden tablets discovered in the seventeenth excavation campaign and recently released to the public. This four-sided wooden tablet, designated 17-No. 1, contained inscriptions on all four sides. From the content of the writings, the wooden tablet seems to be a document. A press release as well as two studies have dealt with the dechipering and interpretation of the inscriptions on 17-No. 1,49 which are described in the following:
[Inscription]50
[Interpretation]
①In March, I, the leader of Chinnaemyŏl village, report this in fear.
②I report to Mijŭkiji taesa (大舍, 12th of the 17 official ranks) haji (下智) in □ fortress (□城).
③I report that I had been foolish, because previously the law (代法) stated 60 days.
④It’angni (伊汑罹) Kŭppŏlch’ŏk (及伐尺, an official rank) side-stepped the law and said 30 days, and now he is gone after 30 days.
Since the ink inscriptions on 17-No. 1 were generally clear, there was not much to dispute regarding its content. However, scholars propose different views regarding the details of the content and the recipient of the wooden tablet document. The common understanding was that this was a report filed by the leader of Chinnaemyŏl village regarding the error he made in administering the law, and that It’angni Kŭppŏlch’ŏk only served 30 days instead of the full 60 days. Instead of delving into the deciphered and interpreted inscriptions on 17-No. 1, let us concentrate on new information about mid-sixth century Silla on this wooden tablet.
First, what kind of legal terms were the “60-day taebŏp (日代法)” or the “hoepŏp 30 days” (廻法卅代)” mentioned on the wooden tablet? The term “substitution law (taebŏp, 代法)” following “60 days” does not appear in existing historical documents or epigraphs. However, considering the meaning of “代 (tae),” which is “to substitute” or “to replace” and the context of the inscriptions on 17-No. 1, it can be understood as one of the following: a law that stipulated one to perform labor in lieu of another person; a law that stipulated one to perform labor in lieu of paying one’s taxes; or a law that stipulated a rotational shift system for statute labor. As for “hoepŏp 30 days,” hoepŏp (廻法) does not seem to be a kind of law like taepŏp and could be understood as “avoiding the law.”51 In this case, the substitution law becomes relevant to “hoepŏp thirty days.” Chajŏn-No. 221, one of the wooden tablets discovered earlier, offers a hint regarding this term. The inscriptions and interpretations on Chajŏn-No. 221 can be understood as follows:52
[Inscription]
Chajŏn-No. 221 ① 六月中□勐□城□邦村主敬白之□□□成行之
Chajŏn-No. 221 ② 兜巾來昏□□也爲六□大城從人丁日
Chajŏn-No. 221 ③ □□走□日來□□□更□有干□
Chajŏn-No. 221 ④ 卒日治之人此人烏□城置不行遣乙白
[Interpretation]
In June, the leader of □勐□成□邦 report to you.
“…accomplished it (□□□成行之). The hood came and…with strength (兜巾來昏□□也). The people working for 六□大城...60 days…(爲六□大城從人丁日). …day came … again … (□□走□日來□□□更□有干□). On the last day, the overseer was unable to assign and send this person to 烏□城 (卒日治之人此人烏□城置不行遣乙白).
The inscriptions on Chajŏn-No. 221 are unclear, and therefore there is a lot of room for objections and counterarguments to the deciphered characters and interpretation of the inscriptions. Likewise, the deciphered inscriptions and interpretation presented above also differ from earlier studies. However, all of the interpretations of the inscriptions of Chajŏn-No. 221 agree on one fact: Chajŏn-No. 221 was a wooden tablet document containing a report on a village leader who was unable to send a person who was recruited to work at a certain fortress.
The part of the inscription on Chajŏn-No. 221 that I would like to examine in this paper is the last two characters “日” on side②. In previous studies, “日” was read as “六十巴” and understood as “65 people” (Lee Seung-jae 2013) or read as “日” but “日” was interpreted separately and “ ” was considered to refer to 60 people (Lee Yong-hyon 2015). However, “日” is now understood as “60 days” during which people had to perform statute labor involving 六□大城 (six [missing one character] big fortresses), and this wooden tablet seems to be a report about a leader who was unable to send one of the laborers back even after the end of the 60-day period.
Before we further examine the inscriptions on this wooden tablet, it would be useful to discuss the legal system during the Tang dynasty. As indicated above, the term “代法 (literally, substitution law)” also does not appear in the Tang dynasty’s legal system. However, for the interpretation of that term, we can refer to Tang Code, Article 239, Unauthorized levies 16, “A clause on the violation of the period of rotational labor (遣番代違限條)”: “諸鎭戍應遣番代 而違限不遣者 …” In the commentary for that particular law, the author cited “防人番代 皆十月一日交代” from the statute of military defense (軍防令), which contains the term “番代 (K. pŏndae).” According to Hanyu da cidian (漢語大詞典), the most comprehensive Chinese dictionary to date, the definition of “番代” was “to change in turn,” and in the above article of the Tang Code, the term was meant to refer to “shift rotation workers” or “work shift.” This confirmed the fact that the character “代” was used in relation to shifts and rotations of border guards. If the understanding gleaned from the Tang Code is applied to 17-No. 1, “代法” could be understood as “a law that stipulates rotational work period for laborers,” which hints at the possibility that the laborers had to perform statute labor on a 60-day rotational schedule.55
The wooden tablets uncovered at Sŏngsan Fortress were the first to provide some information on the length of statute labor in Silla. The inscription on the stele to Ch’ŏngje reservoir in Yŏngch’ŏn, which was erected in 798, stated that the total time spent on repairing the reservoir was from February 2 to April 13, involving 136 people who used axes and 14,140 laborers. However, it is unlikely that the laborers were sent to repair the reservoir all at the same time. Similarly, the stele built to commemorate the construction of Myŏnghwal Fortress built in 551 stated that the construction took all of 35 days, from November 15 to December 20. However, this record seems to refer only to part of the construction, and therefore it is difficult to assume that statute labor was performed only for 35 days. For a more indepth discussion, it would be helpful to examine a study that discusses the period of labor performed by statute laborers who were mobilized for the establishment of Namsan Sinsŏng Fortress. This study concludes that, while the specific number of days was unknown, laborers from each village were brought in at different points in time during the construction but served for the same amount of time.56
Along the same lines, Tang liu dian (唐六典), a collection of official statutes of the Tang dynasty, Vol. 2, the chapter on rites stipulates that: 1) the period of compulsory periodic labor was 20 days, 2) those who performed additional labor were exempted from paying field tax (zu, 租) and household tax (diao, 調), and 3) the laborers were not allowed to serve for more than 50 days. Although the existence of compulsory periodic labor in Silla has not been confirmed, the “60-day taebŏp” found on a Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablet seems too demanding in light of the Tang dynasty law. However, considering the fact that tax revenues from not only the surrounding regions but also Sangju were poured into Sŏngsan Fortress at Haman, it seems that Silla pooled together and deployed human and material resources at the state level to administer the former territory of Ara Kaya, which became incorporated into Silla around that time. Under these circumstances, it is plausible that laborers were mobilized for 60 days at a time. In addition, the terms “sŏnjŏl (先節, early phase)” and “hoepŏp thirty days” seem to suggest that the 60-day law was not necessarily fixed but applied flexibly, which means that 60-day labor probably was not compulsory labor. In any case, it seems evident that the “substitution law (taebŏp, 代法)” was used as a legal term referring to the labor rotation period throughout regional communities as well.
Then what kind of labor did people partake in when they were mobilized through the 60-day taebŏp? The inscriptions on 17-No. 1 do not provide any information on the kind of labor people were to perform. One study proposes that according to the inscriptions on Chajŏn-No. 221, people had been recruited to build a fortress.57 Considering the existence of tugŏn (兜巾) or the circumstances in which certain laborers who were working for a fortress were deployed to a new fortress, it seems safe to assume that the laborers had been mobilized to erect a fortress.58
In terms of the people’s names on 17-No. 1, there are similarities between the wooden tablet and the steles of Namsan Sinsŏng Fortress when we apply the categorization method used for the inscriptions on the steles. People’s names mentioned on the steles of Namsan Sinsŏng Fortress are generally categorized into three groups—A, B, and C. Group A consisted of officials dispatched by the central government to local regions, who were in charge of the construction of fortresses, assigned to deliver orders from the state, and commanded and directed the supervisors in Group B and low-ranking officials in Group C; Group B consisted of construction supervisors who were under the command of regional officials in Group A; Group C consisted of low-ranking officials. Laborers were not mentioned in the inscriptions.59 The following is the categorization of the names that appear in the inscriptions on 17-No. 1, using the same method as for the steles of Namsan Sinsŏng Fortress:
Mijŭkiji taesa haji (弥卽尒智 大舍 下智 ) belonged to Group A. Although the meaning of haji (下智) is yet uncertain, Mijŭkiji was a taesa (大舍), the 12th of the 17 government official ranks, and considering the fact that he was at a fortress, it is likely that he was an official who was sent to a regional place by the central government. Nadu (邏頭) and Tosa (道使), who belong to Group A and whose names appear in the inscriptions of Namsan Sinsŏng stele No. 1, are also taesa. The Chinnaemyŏl village leader belongs to Group B. Among the people whose names are mentioned on Namsan Sinsŏng stele No. 1, people who belong to Group B are a group of supervisors who mobilized people of villages to participate in the construction of the fortress by the order of local officials. In consideration of the report written on 17-No. 1, the sender and the recipient of the report, the leader of Chinnaemyŏl village seems to be an intermediary manager who took part in mobilizing and supervising laborers. For the same reason, the leader of □勐□城□邦 village mentioned on Chajŏn-No. 221 is assumed to belong to Group B. It’angni Kŭppŏlch’ŏk belongs to Group C, as he was a low-ranking working-level official. Kŭppŏlch’ŏk was the lowest rank of the 12 local official ranks, which had disappeared by the time the steles of Namsan Sinsŏng were erected.60 It corresponded to Sanggan, sixth of the 12 local official ranks, and other lower ranking posts as well as those without official posts found on the inscriptions of Namsan Sinsŏng stele No. 1. Also, we can glean that kŭppŏlch’ŏk was lower in rank compared to the leader of Chinnaemyŏl village, since the former reported to the latter.
These inscriptions show that the labor mobilization system, for which the administrative villages were the basic units as seen on the steles of Namsan Sinsŏng Fortress erected in the late sixth century, had already been in place at the time Sŏngsan Fortress was built in the mid-sixth century.61 Other information was also deduced from the comparison between the steles of Namsan Sinsŏng Fortress and wooden tablets from Sŏngsan Fortress. For instance, the steles of Namsan Sinsŏng Fortress indicated that officials in Group A did not remain on the construction site the entire time.62 As for the wooden tablets found at Sŏngsan Fortress, “□城 (□fortress)” where Mijŭkiji taesa was reported to be according to the two wooden tablets is assumed to be Sŏngsan Fortress, since the wooden tablets were excavated there; and scholars also speculate that labor was mobilized for the construction of the fortress. Moreover, there were mentions of the taesa visiting other fortresses, such as “六□大城” and “烏□城,” according to Chajŏn-No. 221, and it seems plausible that these other fortresses were also being constructed at the time. Therefore, both Chajŏn-No. 221 and 17-No. 1 are considered wooden tablet documents that contain the reports filed by village leaders, who supervised the construction of Sŏngsan Fortress and other fortresses in the region, to the taesa, their supervisor, who had been dispatched by the central government and staying at Sŏngsan Fortress.
The image of Silla in the mid-sixth century as deduced from the inscriptions of 17-No. 1 is as follows: first, documents were an integral part of Silla’s administration even on the regional level; second, “ (taebŏp, 代法)” was a law that stipulated the length of labor for each rotation, and the labor period was 60 days for each rotation for the construction of Sŏngsan Fortress; third, the labor mobilization system whose basic unit was the village had already been established in the mid-sixth century. This evidence shows that a strict regional government system managed by law and administered with documents had already been in place at the time. Furthermore, the mention of taesa, an official rank that was first confirmed on the Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablets, shows that Sŏngsan Fortress was under direct control of the central government.
Conclusion
This study examines the status of research on wooden tablets excavated from Sǒngsan Fortress in Haman and analyzes the wooden tablet documents that were recently described in an official report.
From 1991 to 2016, Sǒngsan Fortress was excavated by the Kaya National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, and a total of 314 wooden tablets were discovered. Based on the marks of local official ranks (oewi) that appear on the tablets and the time of Silla’s advancement into Ara Kaya, the period in which these wooden tablets were created is presumed to be around mid-sixth century. The content of these tablets tends to be listed in the following format: “region, name of a person, name of the product, and amount.” Most of the tablets are labels (hach’al mokkan), with the exception of a few, which were created for the purpose of documentation or for other reasons.
The place names that appear on the wooden tablets were regions under the jurisdiction of Sangju (上州), the present-day northern area of North Kyǒngsang Province. As this area was located along the Nakdong River system, Silla seems to have administered or governed the areas that used to be part of Old Kaya, and also collected taxes from those regions through the waterways of the Nakdong River. The detailed categorization of place names on the wooden tablets facilitates a better understanding of the characteristics and structures of the villages (ch’on, 村) at that time. Spontaneously formed villages, or “natural villages” (chayǒnch’on, which are distinguished from villages formed for administrative purposes) were the basic unit of tax collection. The discovery of additional wooden tablets has led to a clarification of the meaning of the character “負 (pu),” recorded on several tablets, and has also intensified the discussion on the nature of “noin.”
In addition, this study examines and speculates on the image of mid-sixth century Silla through two wooden tablets that were recently discovered—17-No. 1 and Chajŏn-No. 221. From these wooden tablets, I was able to confirm that “taebŏp (代法) was a law that stipulated the amount of time laborers were to perform statute labor for each rotation, and that people worked for 60 days at a time for the construction of Sŏngsan Fortress. Also, the labor mobilization system with the village as a basic unit, which was found in the inscriptions on the steles of Namsan Sinsŏng had already been established in the mid-sixth century, and document administration had been implemented even in regional parts of Silla. This evidence points to the idea that a strict regional government system based on document administration and laws had been established at the time.
In conducting a thorough examination of individual studies for the literature review, I relied on earlier publications that have organized studies on wooden tablets excavated from Sŏngsan Fortress, and also reviewed recent studies on Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablets that have been compiled since the last publication on the history of research on wooden tablets was published in order to paint a clearer picture of mid-sixth century Silla. Unfortunately, it was not possible to explain every single important research achievement due to a lack of time and space. Also, I understand that I might have jumped to conclusions regarding the inscriptions on the wooden tablets out of my enthusiasm for research since accurate images and deciphered inscriptions have yet to be released. However, I believe that the significance of this study lies in the possibility it presents regarding the deciphering and interpretation of the inscriptions. I hope that Wooden tablets of Ancient Korea II, which is due to be published this year, will bring clarity to the issue of the confusing numbering of Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablets, provide higher resolution infrared photographs of the wooden tablets, and become the cornerstone and pillar of research on Sŏngsan Fortress wooden tablets in the future. I would like to conclude this paper with the hope that I will be able to reexamine the wooden tablets again later.
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